The Atom Spy Case
Background
of Principal Subjects | Authorities
File Charges | Gold
Testifies |
Elitcher Testifies | Bentley
Testifies | Communist
Party Front Activities And Propaganda On Behalf Of
The Rosenberg | Court Action Following Convictions
The
Government of the Soviet Union, as it was then known,
publicly announced the detonation of an atomic bomb.
Past experience taught Americans to treat Moscow
pronouncements lightly. However, the White House,
in a solemn statement in September, 1949, related
the disheartening news which startled and shocked
the nation.
The
Kremlin had finally come to understand the secrets
of the atom. Russian ingenuity in the scientific
field probably contributed considerably to this discovery.
But what of the part played by American traitors
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg? This is their story.
In
the summer of 1949, the Federal Bureau of Investigation
(FBI) learned that the secret of the construction
of the atom bomb had been stolen and turned over
to a foreign power. An immediate investigation was
undertaken which resulted in the identification of
Emil Julius Klaus Fuchs, a German-born British atomic
scientist. British intelligence authorities were
advised, and Fuchs was arrested by British authorities
on February 2, 1950. He admitted his involvement
in Soviet atomic espionage, but he did not know the
identity of his American contact.
This
contact was subsequently identified through FBI investigation
as Harry Gold, a Philadelphia chemist. On May 22,
1950, Gold confessed his espionage activity to the
FBI.
Investigation of Harry Gold's admissions led to the identification
of David Greenglass, a U.S. Army enlisted man, and
Soviet Agent, who had been assigned by the Army to
Los Alamos, New Mexico, in 1944 and 1945. Gold stated
that he had picked up espionage material from Greenglass
during June, 1945, on instructions of "John," his
Soviet principal. "John" was subsequently
identified as Anatoli Yakovlev, former Soviet vice-consul
in New York City, who left the United States in December,
1946. Interrogation of Greenglass and his wife, Ruth,
resulted in admissions of espionage activity under
the instructions of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, brother-in
-law and sister, respectively, of David Greenglass.
Max Elitcher, a Naval Ordnance engineer and an admitted
Communist, was interviewed. He disclosed that Morton
Sobell, radar engineer and former classmate of Elitcher
and Rosenberg at a college in New York City, was
also involved in the Rosenberg espionage network.
Background
of Principal Subjects
Julius
and Ethel Rosenberg
Julius
Rosenberg was born on May 12, 1918, in New York City,
the son of immigrants, both of whom were born in
Russia. He had one brother and three sisters.
Ethel
Rosenberg, nee Greenglass, was born September 28,
1915, in New York City, the daughter of immigrants.
Her father was born in Russia and her mother was
born in Austria. Other members of her family included
David, Bernard, and a half brother.
Ethel
and Julius Rosenberg were married June 18, 1939,
in New York City and had two sons, Micahel Allen,
born March 10, 1943, and Robert Harry, born May 14,
1947.
Julius
and Ethel Rosenberg lived in the lower east side
of Manhattan most of their lives and both attended
the same high school, Ethel graduating in 1931 and
Julius graduating in 1934. Julius Rosenberg attended
the school of engineering at a New York college from
September, 1934, until February, 1939, when he graduated
with a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering.
He also took various courses at other New York Universities.
At
the time of his apprehension he was operating a machine
shop in New York City manufacturing all types of
parts for various manufacturing concerns.
Investigation
revealed that Julius Rosenberg began associating
with Ethel Greenglass around 1932. Julius was disliked
by Ethel's parents and was not allowed to visit her
parents' home from about 1932 until 1935. During
that period Ethel and her two younger brothers, Bernard
and David, occupied an apartment on a floor above
the home of their parents. Julius Rosenberg would
visit Ethel frequently at this upstairs apartment,
which was littered with copies of Communist Party
literature and the "Daily Worker." Julius
and Ethel became devoted Communists between 1932
and 1935, after which they maintained that nothing
was more important than the Communist cause.
Information
obtained in March, 1944, reflected that Julius Rosenberg
was a member of the Communist Party. This information
was furnished to the Security and Intelligence Division,
Second Service Command, Governors Island, New York,
in view of Rosenberg's employment by the War Department
at that time. This investigation also established
that his wife, Ethel, had signed a Communist Party
petition. Rosenberg's position with the United States
Government was terminated in December, 1945.
A
search of the Rosenberg apartment at the time of
the arrest of Julius Rosenberg disclosed that Ethel
and Julius Rosenberg were members of the International
Workers Order.
In
May, 1940, the FBI's New York Office learned, after
Ethel Rosenberg received an appointment as an employee
of the Census Bureau in Washington, D.C., that she
was a devout communist. Further, Ethel Rosenberg
and another woman, alleged to have been Communist
sympathizers, had distributed Communist literature
and and signed nominating petitions of the Communist
Party. Ethel Rosenberg had also signed a Communist
Party nominating petition, dated August 13, 1939,
in New York City.
Investigation
reflected that Julius Rosenberg claimed to have joined
the Young Communist League when he was 14 years of
age. Also, he was secretary of the Young Communist
League while in college.
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David
Greenglass
David
Greenglass, younger brother of Ethel Rosenberg, was
born on March 3, 1922, in New York, where he attended
public schools. After graduating from high school
in 1940, he began attending college for a short period,
studying mechanical engineering. He attended another
school for a short period in 1948, studying mechanical
designing. While he was young, he worked in his father's
shop.
David
Greenglass reportedly had come under the influence
of his sister when he was about 12 years old and
when the 19-year-old Ethel was being courted by Julius
Rosenberg. At first David opposed the efforts of
Ethel and Julius to convert him to Communism and
disliked Julius, but after Julius brought David a
chemistry set, the two became very friendly and Julius
was able to influence David considerably. Julius
Rosenberg, until he married Ethel in 1939, continued
to be a frequent visitor at David and Ethel's apartment.
David became extremely fond of Julius. Having become
fully converted to Communist ideals expounded by
Ethel and Julius, David joined the Young Communist
League at the age of 14.
David Greenglass had admitted that he was indoctrinated with Communist principles
in his youth by Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and was a member of the Young Communist
League in New York from 1936 to 1938. He continued his belief in Communism,
but never joined the Communist Party. He claimed to have become disillusioned
with Communism when Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia was expelled from Cominform,
the Communist Information Bureau created to share information among communist
parties, for defying Soviet supremecy. This incident, he said, brought home
to him that Communism was being used as a tool by the Soviet Union for the
purpose of world conquest instead of a means of reaching a panacea.
Soon
after her marriage to Julius Rosenberg, Ruth Greenglass
claimed she was converted to the principles of Communism
by her husband. A member of a branch of the Young
Communist League for about one year in 1943 and president
of that branch for about three weeks, she reportedly
became disillusioned with communism following World
War II, when it became apparent that Russia had embarked
on a program of world conquest.
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Morton
Sobell
Morton
Sobell was born the son of Russian-born immigrants
on April 11, 1917, in New York City. He married Helen
Levitov Gurewitz in Arlington, Virginia, on March
10, 1945.
A
classmate of Julius Rosenberg and Max Elitcher, Sobell
graduated from college in June, 1938, with a bachelor's
degree in electrical engineering. In 1941 and 1942
he attended a graduate school at a university in
Michigan, from which he received a master's degree
in electrical engineering.
Sobell
was employed during the summers of 1934 through 1938
as a maintenance man at Camp Unity, Wingdale, New
York, reportedly a Communist-controlled camp. On
January 27, 1939, he secured the position of junior
electrical engineer with the Bureau of Naval Ordnance,
Washington, D.C., and was promoted to the position
of assistant electrical engineer. He resigned from
this position in October, 1940, to further his studies.
While employed at an electric company in New York
State, he had access to classified material, including
that on fire-control radar. After resigning from
this company, he secured employment as an electrical
engineer with an instrument company in New York City,
where he had access to secret data. He remained in
this position until June 16, 1950, when he failed
to appear at work. On that date, Sobell and his family
fled to Mexico. He was subsequently located in Mexico
City. On August 18, 1950, after his deportation from
Mexico by the Mexican authorities, he was taken into
custody by FBI agents in Laredo, Texas.
Max
Elitcher, an admitted Communist, said that in 1939,
when he roomed with Morton Sobell in Washington,
D.C., Sobell induced him to join the Communist Party.
Sobell
was reported to have been active in the American
Peace Mobilization and the American Youth Congress,
both of which were cited by the Attorney General
as coming within the purview of Executive Order 10450.
Sobell also appeared on the active indices of the
American Peace Mobilization and was listed in the
indices of the American Youth Congress as a delegate
to that body from the Washington Committee for Democratic
Action.
A
resident of an apartment building in Washington,
D.C., reported that Sobell and Max Elitcher were
among those who attended meetings in the apartment
of one of the tenants during 1940 and 1941. This
individual believed that these were Communist meetings.
The
FBI's New York Office located a Communist Party nominating
petition which was filed in the name of Morton Sobell.
The signature on this petition was identified by
the FBI Laboratory as being in Sobell's handwriting.
Contact
with the instrument company where Sobell was employed
showed that he failed to report for work after June
16, 1950. The company received a letter from Sobell
on or about July 3, 1950, stating that he needed
a rest and was going to take a few weeks off to recuperate.
A neighborhood investigation by the FBI revealed
that Sobell, his wife, and their two children were
last seen at their home on June 22, 1950, and that
they had left hurriedly without advising anyone of
their intended departure.
Through
an airlines company at La Guardia Field, it was determined
that Sobell and his family had departed for Mexico
City on June 22, 1950. Round-trip excursion tickets
for transportation between New York City and Mexico
had been purchased on June 21, 1950, in Sobell's
name.
During
Sobell's stay in Mexico, he communicated with relatives
through the use of a certain man as a mail drop.
This man was interviewed and reluctantly admitted
receiving and forwarding letters to Sobell's relatives.
This admission was made after he was advised that
the FBI Laboratory had identified his handwriting
on the envelopes used in forwarding letters to Sobell's
relatives.
In
August, 1950, the Mexico authorities took Sobell
into custody and deported him as an undesirable alien.
On the early morning of August 18, 1950, FBI Agents
apprehended Sobell at the International Bridge in
Laredo, Texas.
Armed
with the information supplied by a man named Harry
Gold, the FBI moved swiftly to bring to justice those
responsible for stealing secrets of the U.S. Government.
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Authorities
File ChargesS
On
June 16, 1950, the Criminal Division of the Justice
Department was advised of David Greenglass's admissions
and authorized the filing of a complaint in Albuquerque,
New Mexico, charging him with espionage conspiracy
to violate Title 50, U.S. Code, Section 34. On the
same date, Greenglass was arraigned before a U.S.
Commissioner of the Southern District of New York
and was remanded to the custody of a U.S. Marshal
in default of $100,000 bail. On July 6, 1950, Greenglass
was indicted by a Federal grand jury in Santa Fe,
New Mexico, and charged with espionage conspiracy.
A
complaint charging Julius Rosenberg with espionage
conspiracy was filed on July 17, 1950. Rosenberg
was arrested at his home in Knickerbocker Village,
New York City, the same day and was arraigned that
evening before a U.S. District judge, Southern District
of New York. Rosenberg was remanded to the custody
of the U.S. Marshal in default of $100,000 bail for
further hearing.
On
August 3, 1950, the U.S. Attorney, Southern District
of New York, authorized the filing of a sealed complaint
against Morton Sobell, charging him with espionage
conspiracy.
On August 7, 1950, Ethel Rosenberg
appeared before a Federal grand jury in the Southern
District of New York pursuant to a subpoena. A complaint
charging her with espionage conspiracy was filed
on August 11, 1950. Ethel Rosenberg was taken into
custody on the same day by FBI Agents. Later, on
the afternoon of August 11, 1950, she was arraigned
before the U.S. Commissioner of the Southern District
of New York and remanded to the custody of the U.S.
Marshal, in default of $100,000 bail for further
healing.
On
August 17, 1950, a Federal grand jury in the Southern
District of New York returned an indictment alleging
11 overt acts. Julius Rosenberg, Ethel Rosenberg,
and Anatoli Yakovlev were charged with violation
of Title 50, U.S. Code, section 34.
Following
Morton Sobell's August 18, 1950, arrest by FBI Agents
in Laredo, Texas, he was arraigned before the U.S.
Commissioner, Southern District of Texas, waived
removal to New York, and was remanded to the custody
of the U.S. Marshal on August 23, 1950.
The
Rosenbergs were arraigned before a U.S. District
judge, Southern District of New York, and entered
pleas of not guilty on August 23, 1950. Bail in the
amount of $100,000 was continued for both of them.
The
next day, Morton Sobell was arraigned before the
U.S. Commissioner, Southern District of New York,
and his hearing was adjourned. Bail of $100,000 was
continued. On September 18, 1950, Sobell again appeared
for a hearing before the U.S. Commissioner, which
was adjourned to enable the Government to present
its case to a Federal grand jury.
On October 10, 1950, a superseding indictment was returned by a Federal grand
jury in the Southern District of New York. Morton Sobell, Ethel Rosenberg,
Julius Rosenberg, David Greenglass, and Anatoli Yakovlev were charged with
conspiracy to violate the Espionage Statutes.
On
October 17, 1950, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg pleaded
not guilty. Bail of $100,000 was continued for Julius
Rosenberg; Ethel Rosenberg's bail was reduced to
$50,000. They were remanded to the custody of the
U.S. Marshal in default of bail.
David
Greenglass pleaded guilty to the superseding indictment
on October 18, 1950. His plea was accepted by the
presiding judge, and bail of $100,000 was continued
pending sentencing.
Morton
Sobell entered a plea of not guilty on December 5,
1950. His plea was accepted by a U.S. District judge,
Southern District of New York, and his bail was continued
in the sum of $100,000.
On
January 31, 1951, a Federal grand jury handed down
a second superseding indictment charging Julius Rosenberg,
Ethel Rosenberg, Anatoli Yakovlev, Mortin Sobell,
and David Greenglass with conspiracy to commit espionage
between June 6, 1944, and June 16, 1950. This indictment
was similar in all respects to the previous superseding
indictment, except that it changed the start of the
conspiracy from November, 1944, to June, 1944.
On
February 2, 1951, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg and
Morton Sobell entered pleas of not guilty before
a U.S. District judge, Southern District of New York.
David Greenglass entered a guilty plea to the above
indictment and withdrew his plea of guilty to the
previous superseding indictment. The judge directed
that Greenglass's sentencing be postponed until the
end of the trial.
Morton
Sobell applied for a writ of habeas corpus on Febrary
5, 1951, claiming the indictment of January 31, 1951,
was vague and that his incrimination was a violation
of his constitutional rights. The application was
denied.
On
March 6, 1951, the Rosenbergs-Sobell espionage conspiracy
trial on the superseding indictment of January 31,
1951, commenced in the Southern Distict of New York.
At the outset of the case the U.S. Attorney moved
to sever Anatoli A. Yakovlev from the trial, and
the motion was granted. The selection of a jury of
12 with 2 alternates was completed on March 7, 1951.
Counsel for the defendants made motions to dismiss
the indictment on various grounds, which were denied
by the court. A motion was then made and granted
to sever David Greenglass from the indictment because
he had already pleaded guilty.
Some
of the espionage activities of the Rosenbergs with
their ramifications were brought out at the trial
of the atom spies. Greenglass's testimony revealed
that he entered the U.S. Army in April, 1943, and
in July, 1944, was assigned to the Manhattan Project
in Oak Ridge, Tennessee. He did not know at that
time what the project was but he received security
lectures about his duties and was told it was a secret
project. Two weeks later, again being told that his
work was secret, he was assigned to Los Alamos, New
Mexico, and reported there in August, 1944.
In
November, 1944, his wife, Ruth Greenglass, who came
to Albuquerque to visit him, told him that Julius
Rosenberg advised her that her husband was working
on the atom bomb. Greenglass stated that he did not
know that he was working on such a project. He stated
that he worked in a group at Los Alamos under a professor
of a New England university and described to the
court the duties of his shop at Los Alamos. He stated
that while at Los Alamos, he learned the identity
of various noted physicists and their cover names.
Greenglass
testified that the Rosenbergs used to speak to him
about the merits of the Russian Government. He stated
that when his wife came to visit him at Los Alamos
on November 29, 1944, she told David that Julius
Rosenberg had invited her to dinner at the Rosenberg
home in New York City. At this dinner Ethel told
Ruth that they had not been engaging in Communist
activities, buying the "Daily Worker" any
more, or attending club meetings because Julius finally
was doing what he always wanted to do, which was
giving information to the Soviet Union.
After
Ethel told Ruth that David was working on the atom
bomb project at Los Alamos, and said that she and
Julius wanted him to give information concerning
the bomb, Ruth told the Rosenbergs that she did not
think it was a good idea and declined to convey their
requests to David. Ethel and Julius remarked that
she should at least tell David about it and see if
he would help. During this conversation, Julius pointed
out to Ruth that Russia was an ally and deserved
to obtain the information that was not being provided
for its use.
At
first, David refused to have anything to do with
the Rosenbergs' request, but on the next day he agreed
to furnish any available data. Ruth then asked David
specific questions about the Manhattan Project and
David gave her that information.
In
January, 1945, David arrived in New York City on
furlough, and about two days later Julius Rosenberg
came to David's apartment to ask him for information
on the A-Bomb. He requested David to write up the
information and said he would pick it up the following
morning.
That evening Greenglass wrote up the information he had. The next morning he
gave this material to Rosenberg, along with a list of the scientists at Los
Alamos and the names of possible recruits working there who might be sympathetic
to Communism.
Greenglass
further stated that at the time he returned this
material over to Rosenberg, Ruth Greenglass remarked
that David's handwriting was bad and would need interpretation.
Rosenberg answered that it was nothing to worry about
because Ethel, his wife, would retype the information.
A
day or two later David and his wife went to the Rosenberg
apartment for dinner where they were introduced to
a woman friend of the Rosenbergs. After she left,
Julius told the Greenglasses that he thought this
person would come to see David to receive information
on the atom bomb. They discussed a tentative plan
wherein Ruth Greenglass would move to Albuquerque;
this woman would also meet Ruth in a movie theater
in Denver, Colorado, to exchange purses. Ruth's purse
would contain the information from David concerning
Los Alamos.
To
identify the perosn who would come to see Ruth, it
was agreed that Ruth would use a side piece of a
jello box. Julius held the matching piece of the
Jello box. David suggested that meeting be held in
front of a certain grocery store in Albuquerque.
The date of the meeting was left to depend upon the
time that Ruth would depart for Albuquerque.
During
this visit, Julius said that he would like to have
David meet a Russian with whom he could discuss the
project on which David was working. A few nights
later Julius made an appointment for David to meet
a Russian on First Avenue between 42nd and 59th streets
in New York City. David drove up to the appointed
meeting place and parked the car near a saloon in
a dark street. Julius came up to the car, looked
in, went away, and came back with a man who got into
David's car. Julius stayed on the street, and David
drove away with the unknown man. The man asked David
about some scientific information, and after driving
around for a while, David returned to the original
meeting place and let the man out. This man was then
joined by Rosenberg, who was standing on the street,
and David observed them leaving together.
In
the spring of 1945, Ruth Greenglass came to Albuquerque
to live, and David visited her apartment on weekends.
On the first Sunday of June, 1945, a man, subsequently
identified by David as Harry Gold, came to visit
him and asked if David's name was Greenglass. David
said that it was, and Gold then said, "Julius
sent me." David went to his wife's wallet and
took out the piece of the Jello box and compared
it with the piece offered by Gold. They matched.
When
Gold asked David if he had any information, Greenglass
said that he did but would have to write it up. Gold
then left, stating he would be back. David immediately
started to work on a report, made sketches of experiments,
wrote up descriptive material regarding them, and
prepared a list of possible recruits for espionage.
Later that day Gold returned and David gave him the
reports. In return, Gold gave David an envelope containing
$500, which he turned over to Ruth.
The
Court accepted copies of the sketches prepared by
Greenglass at the time of the trial to describe the
information Greenglass had turned over to Gold. These
sketches were admitted into evidence.
In
September, 1945, David Greenglass, who was on furlough,
returned to New York City with Ruth. The next morning
Julius Rosenberg came to the Greenglass apartment
and asked what David had for him. David informed
Julius that he had obtained a pretty good description
of the atom bomb.
At
this point in Greenglass's testimony the Government
prosecutor reverted to Rosenberg's contact with David
in January, 1945. David reiterated that in January,
1945, Rosenberg gave him a description of an atom
bomb, which David later learned had been subsequently
dropped on Hiroshima, in order that David would know
what information to look for.
Greenglass
continued to relate what transpired in September,
1945. At Julius' request, he drew up a sketch of
the atom bomb, prepared descriptive material on it,
drew up a list of scientists and possible recruits
for Soviet espionage and thereafter delivered this
material to the Rosenberg apartment. He stated that
at the time he turned this material over to Rosenberg,
Ethel and Ruth.
At
the trial, Greenglass prepared a sketch of a cross
section of an atom bomb to indicate what he gave
to Rosenberg, an this was made Government exhibit
#8. At this point, Rosenberg's lawyer asked the court
to impound the sketch of the bomb so that no one
but the court, jury defendents, and attorneys would
be able to see it. Rosenberg's lawyer stated the
he was making this request in the interest of national
security. The judge ordered the sketch impounded,
pointing out that, inasmuch as the defense requested
it, the defense would have no grounds for objection
to the impounding in case of an appeal.
Greenglass
then continued his testimony as to the composition
of the atom bomb, using the sketch for reference.
He stated that he told Rosenberg how the bomb was
set off by a barometric pressure device. Rosenberg
remarked that the information was very good and it
should be typed immediately. Ethel then prepared
the information on a portable typewriter in the Rosenberg
apartment.
While
Ethel was typing the report, Julius burned the handwritten
notes in a frying pan, flushed them down a drain,
and gave David $200. Julius suggested that David
stay at Los Alamos after he was discharged from the
Army so that he could continue to get information,
but David declined.
From
1946 to 1949, David was in business with Julius Rosenberg,
and during this period Julius told David that he
had people going to school and that he had people
in upstate New York and Ohio giving him information
for the Russians.
Late
in 1947, Julius told David about a sky platform project
and mentioned he had received this information from "one
of the boys." Rosenberg described the sky platform
as a large vessel which could be suspended at a point
in space where the gravity was low, and that the
vessel would travel around the earth like a satellite.
Rosenberg also advised David that he had a way of
communicating with the Russians by putting material
or messages in the alcove of a theater and that he
had received from one of his contacts the mathematics
relating to atomic energy for airplanes.
Greenglass
testified that Rosenberg claimed to have received
a citation and a watch from the Russians. Greenglass
also testified that Rosenberg claimed to have received
a console table from the Russians which he used for
photographic purposes.
In
February, 1950, a few days after the news of the
arrest of Dr. Fuchs in England was published, Julius
came to David's home and asked David to go for a
walk. During this walk Rosenberg spoke of Fuchs and
mentioned that the man who had come to see David
in Albuquerque was also a contact of Fuchs. Julius
stated that David would have to leave the country.
When David answered that he needed money, Rosenberg
said that he would get the money from the Russians.
In
April, 1950, Rosenberg again told David he would
have to leave the country, and about May 23, 1950,
Rosenberg came to the Greenglass apartment with a
newspaper containing a picture of Harry Gold and
the story of Gold's arrest. Rosenberg said, "This
is the man who saw you in Albuquerque." Julius
gave David $1,000, and said he would come back later
with $6,000 more for him to use in leaving the country
and that Greenglass would have to get a Mexican tourist
card. Rosenberg said that he went to see a doctor
who told him that a doctor's letter stating David
was inoculated for smallpox would also be needed,
as well as passport photos. He then gave Greenglass
a form letter and instructions to memorize for use
in Mexico City.
Upon
David's arrival in Mexico City, he was to send the
letter to the Soviet Embassy and sign it "I.
Jackson." Three days later after he sent this
letter, David, carrying in his hand a guide to the
city with his middle finger between the pages of
the guide, was to go to the Plaz De La Colon at 5
p.m. and look at the Statue of Columbus there. He
would wait until a man came up to him, when David
would say, "That is a magnificent statue," and
tell the man that David was from Oklahoma. The man
would then answer, "Oh, there are much more
beautiful statues in Paris," and would give
Greenglass a passport and additional money. David
was to go to Vera Cruz and then go to Sweden or Switzerland.
If he went to Sweden, he was to send the same type
of letter to the Soviet Ambassador or his secretary
and sign the letter "I. Jackson." Three
days later, David was to go to the Statue of Linnaeus
in Stockholm at 5 p.m. where a man would approach
him. Greenglass would mention that the statue was
beautiful and the man would answer, "There are
much more beautiful ones in Paris." The man
would then give David the means of transportation
to Czechoslovakia, where upon arrival he was to write
to the Soviet Ambassador advising him of his presence.
Julius
further advised Greenglass that he himself would
have to leave the country because he had known Jacob
Golos (a member of the Communist underground), and
that Elizabeth Bentley (also a Communist Party member).
Sometime
later, David and his family went to a photography
shop and had six sets of passport photos taken. On
Memorial Day, Greenglass gave Rosenberg five sets
of these photos. Later Rosenberg again visited David,
to who he gave $4,000 in $10- and $20-bills wrapped
in brown paper, requesting Greenglass to go for a
walk with him and repeat the memorized instructions.
David gave the $4,000 to his brother-in-law for safekeeping.
On
cross-examination, David testified he used the $1,000
he received from Julius to pay household debts and
the $4,000 to pay his lawyer for representing him.
Ruth
Greenglass also testified at the trial, and, in addition
to corroborating her husband's testimony, gave the
following information:
She
stated that prior to her departure for New Mexico
in November, 1944, she had had a conversation with
Julius and Ethel Rosenberg at the Rosenberg apartment
in New York City. Julius told her that he and Ethel
had discontinued their open affiliation with the
Communist Party because he had always wanted to do
more than just be a Communist Party member. After
two years, Julius had succeeded in reaching the Russians
and was now doing the work he wanted to do. He requested
her to enlist David's help furnishing information
to him for the Russians about Los Alamos. Ruth declined
at first, but Ethel urged her to approach David.
Julius then gave her instructions for David as to
the particular type of information he wanted. A few
days later, he gave Ruth $150 to defray the expenses
of her trip to New Mexico.
On
her return to New York in December, 1944, after visiting
David, Rosenberg visited her apartment, at which
time she informed him of David's decision to cooperate.
She furnished Julius oral and written information
that David gave her and informed him of David's impending
furlough. Prior to her departure for Albuquerque
in February of 1945, Julius visited her and gave
Ruth instructions concerning a meeting with an espionage
contact in Albuquerque.
TOP OF PAGE
Gold
Testifies
Harry
Gold testified that he was engaged in Soviet espionage
from 1935 up to the time of his arrest in May, 1950,
and that from 1944 to 1946 his espionage superior
was a Russian, known to him as "John." He
identified a picture of Anatoli A. Yakovlev, former
Soviet Vice-Consul in New York City, as "John." Yakovlev's
picture was admitted into evidence.
In
June, 1944, Gold had an espionage meeting with Dr.
Klaus Fuchs in Woodside, Queens, New York. As a result
of this meeting, Gold wrote a report and turned it
over to Yakovlev about a week or so later, when he
told Yakovlev that at Gold's next meeting with Fuchs,
the latter would give Gold information relating to
the application of nuclear fission to the production
of military weapons.
In
the latter part of 1944, Gold met Fuchs in the vicinity
of Borough Hall, Brooklyn, and received a package
from Fuchs which Gold later turned over to Yakovlev.
Gold's
next meeting with Fuchs was in July, 1944, in the
vicinity of 9th Street and Central Park West, New
York City. About a week or two later, Gold gave Yakovlev
a report he had written concerning this conversation
and told Yakovlev that Fuchs had given further information
concerning the work of a joint American and British
project to produce an atom bomb. Subsequently, Gold
had a regularly scheduled series of meetings with
Yakovlev, who instructed Gold how to continue his
contacts with Fuchs. Gold stated that this was to
obtain information from a number of American espionage
sources and give it to Yakovlev. He pointed out he
organized his meetings with these sources by using
recognition signals, such as an object or a piece
of paper and a code phrase in the form of a greeting,
always using a pseudonym. He also stated that his
sources lived in cities other than Philadelphia (Gold's
home city) and that he paid money to these sources
which he had in turn received from Yakovlev.
Early
in January, 1945, Gold met Fuchs in Cambridge, Massachusetts,
and received a package of papers which he later turned
over to Yakovlev in New York City. He told Yakovlev
that Fuchs had mentioned that a lens was being worked
on in connection with the atom bomb. His next meeting
with Fuchs was to be in Santa Fe on the first Saturday
of June, 1945.
In
February, 1945, Gold met Yakovlev on 23rd Street
between 9th and 10th Avenues in New York City. At
this meeting, Yakovlev indicated the Russians' interest
in the plans mentioned by Fuchs.
On
the last Saturday in May of 1945, Gold met Yakovlev
inside a restaurant on 3rd Avenue in New York City,
to discuss Gold's next meeting with Fuchs in Santa
Fe. Yakovlev instructed Gold to take on an additional
mission in Albuquerque, New Mexico. Gold protested,
but Yakovlev said it was vital, pointing out that
a woman was supposed to go but was unable to make
the trip. Yakovlev gave Gold an onionskin paper,
on which was typed the name "Greenglass," an
address on High Street, Albuquerque, and the recognition
signal, "I am from Julius." Yakovlev also
gave Gold a piece of cardboard cut from a food package.
He stated that Greenglass in Albuquerque would have
the matching piece and that if Greenglass was not
in, Greenglass's wife would give Gold the information.
Yakovlev then gave Gold $500 in an envelope to turn
over to Greenglass and instructed Gold to follow
an indirect route to Santa Fe and Albuquerque in
order to minimize the danger of surveillance.
Gold
arrived in Santa Fe on Saturday, June 2, 1945, and
met Fuchs, who gave him a package of papers. Gold
left Santa Fe in the afternoon on June 2nd by bus
and arrived in Albuquerque that evening. He went
to the High Street address, found that Greenglass
and his wife were not in, and stayed at a rooming
house overnight. The next day he went to the High
Street address and David Greenglass opened the door.
Gold said, "Mr. Greenglass." David answered, "Yes." Gold
then said, "I come from Julius," and showed
Greenglass the piece of cardboard which Yakovlev
had given him. Greenglass requested Gold to come
into his apartment, then took a piece of cardboard
from a woman's handbag and compared it with the piece
Gold had given him. The pieces matched. Gold introduced
himself to the Greenglasses as "Dave from Pittsburgh."
Greenglass
told Gold that the visit was a surprise and that
it would take several hours to prepare the A-bomb
material. He started to tell Gold about possible
recruits at Los Alamos, but Gold cut him short and
pointed out to David that it was very hazardous and
that David should be circumspect in his behavior.
Gold left and returned later that afternoon, when
David gave him an envelope which he said contained
information on the atom bomb. Gold turned over to
David the envelope containing the $500. Greenglass
mentioned to Gold that he expected to get a furlough
sometime around Christmas and gave Gold Julius's
phone number in New York City in the event that Gold
wanted to reach Greenglass.
Gold
returned to New York City by train on June 5, 1945.
While en route, he examined the material David had
given him and put it in a manila envelope. He put
the material he had received from Fuchs into a different
manila envelope. That evening Gold met Yakovlev along
Metropolitan Avenue in Brooklyn and gave him both
envelopes.
About
two weeks later Gold met Yakovlev on Main Street
in Flushing, New York. Yakovlev told Gold that the
information he had received from him on June 5 had
been sent immediately to the Soviet Union and that
the information he had received from Greenglass "was
extremely excellent and valuable." At this meeting,
Gold related the details of his conversation with
Fuchs and Greenglass. Fuchs had stated that tremendous
progress had been made on the atom bomb and that
the first explosion had been set for July, 1945.
In
early July, 1945, Gold met Yakovlev in a seafood
restaurant. Yakovlev said it was necessary to make
arrangements for another Soviet agent to get in touch
with Gold. At Yakovlev's instructions, Gold took
a sheet of paper from his pocket which had the heading
of a company of Philadelphia. Gold tore off the top
portion containing the name and on the reverse side
of the sheet wrote in diagonal fashion, "Directions
to Paul Street." Yakovlev then tore the paper
in an irregular fashion. He kept one portion and
Gold kept the other. Yakovlev said that if Gold received
two tickets in the mail without a letter, it would
mean that on a definite number of days after the
date on the ticket Gold was to go to the roadway
stop of the Astoria Line for a meeting which would
take place in a restaurant-bar. Gold's Soviet contact
would be standing at the bar and approach Gold, asking
to be directed to Paul Street. They would then match
the torn pieces of paper.
In
August, 1945, Gold again met Yakovlev in Brooklyn
and was told to take a trip in September, 1945, to
see Fuchs. Gold suggested to Yakovlev that since
he was going to see Fuchs, he might as well go to
Albuquerque to see David Greenglass. Yakovlev answered
that it was inadvisable because it might endanger
Gold to have further contact with Greenglass.
In
September, 1945, Gold met Fuchs in Santa Fe, New
Mexico. On his return to New York City on September
22, 1945, Gold went to a prearranged meeting place
to see Yakovlev, who failed to appear. About ten
days later, Gold met Yakovlev at Main Street, Flushing,
and turned over to him a package he had received
from Fuchs. He told Yakovlev that Fuchs has said
there was no longer the open and free cooperation
betwen the Americans and the British and that many
departments were closed to Fuchs. Fuchs also stated
that he would have to return to England and that
he was worried because the British had gotten to
Kiel, Germany, ahead of the Russians and might discover
a Gestapo dossier there on Fuchs which would reveal
his strong Communist ties and background. Fuchs and
Gold also discussed the details of a plan whereby
Fuchs could be contacted in England.
In
November, 1945, Gold had another meeting with Yakovlev
at which time Gold mentioned that Greenglass would
probably be coming home around Christmas for a furlough.
Gold said plans should be made to get in touch with
Rosenberg in an effort to obtain more information
from Greenglass.
In
January, 1946, Gold again met with Yakovlev, and
was told about a man Yakovlev had tried to contact
who was under continuous surveillance. Yakovlev used
this story to illustrate that it was better to give
up the contact than endanger their work.
Early in December, 1946, Gold received two tickets to a boxing match in New
York City through the mail. The tickets were addressed to Gold's Philadelphia
home incorrectly and too late for Gold to keep the appointment. At 5 p.m. on
December 26, 1946, Gold received a telephone call at his place of employment.
The voice said, "This is John." Gold then arranged with John to meet
an unidentified man in a certain movie theater that night. The man identified
himself by handing Gold the torn piece of paper containing the heading which
Gold and Yakovlev had previously prepared. This man asked Gold to proceed to
42nd Street and 3rd Avenue, New York City, to meet Yakovlev.
He
met Yakovlev, who asked if Gold had anything further
from Fuchs, apologized for his ten months' absence
and explained that he had to lie low. He stated that
he was glad Gold was working in New York and told
Gold he should begin to plan for a mission to Paris,
France, in March 1947, where Gold would meet a physicist.
He gave Gold an onionskin paper setting forth information
for his proposed meeting in Paris. During the coversation
with Yakovlev, Gold mentioned the name of his employer,
and, upon hearing this, Yakovlev became very excited.
He told Gold that Gold had almost ruined eleven years
of work by working for this individual because he
had been investigated in 1945. Yakovlev dashed away,
stating that Gold would not see him in the United
States again.
It
is interesting to note that the Soviet intelligence
services, in utilizing Gold to contact Greenglass,
made a mistake in security which ultimately led to
the uncovering of the Rosenberg spy ring, a network
independent of the one Gold was involved in. From
FBI knowledge of Soviet intelligence activities,
it is known that the Soviets with their stress on
security will not usually allow a member of one network
to know of the existence of another network so that
in the event one network is detected, the other will
not be compromised. It will be recalled that Gold's
protest to Yakovlev about contacting Greenglass in
Albuquerque went unheeded. The Soviets undoubtedly
found good reason to regret this error in judgment.
A
nuclear chemist testified that from 1944 to 1947
he was associated with the atom bomb project at Los
Alamos. He stated that his own work was related to
implosion research and classified secret. He further
stated that he would go to the machine shop, furnish
sketches to the supervisor of the shop and determine
what was needed. The nuclear chemist recalled seeing
David Greenglass in the machine shop. He identified
the sketches prepared by David Greenglass at the
trial and entered as exhibits reasonably accurate
replicas of the type of sketches he, himself, submitted
to the machine shop. These specimens could have been
of value to a foreign power, the nuclear chemist
stated, and would reveal to any expert what was going
on at Los Alamos and indicate to the expert its relation
to the atom bomb.
TOP OF PAGE
Elitcher
Testifies
Elitcher
testified that he first met Sobell while both were
attending a high school in New York City. He further
stated that he and Sobell also attended college together
in New York from 1934 to 1938. Elitcher graduated
with a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering
and pointed out that Julius Rosenberg also studied
engineering at the same college during this same
period. Elitcher saw Sobell daily at school but saw
Rosenberg less frequently. After graduating, Elitcher
was employed with the Bureau of Ordnance, Navy Department,
Washington, D.C., from November, 1938, until October,
1948.
In
December, 1938, Elitcher resided in Washington, D.C.
During December of that year Sobell came to Washington
and stayed at a house next to Elitcher's place of
residence. In April or May, 1939, Elitcher and Sobell
took up residence in a private home, and in May of
1940, they moved into an apartment. During the period
they lived together Sobell was also employed at the
Bureau of Ordnance. In September, 1941, Sobell left
his employment to go to a university in Michigan
in order to continue his studies.
Elitcher
further advised that during the period he lived with
Sobell they had conversations concerning the Communist
Party and that, at Sobell's request, Elitcher joined
the Young Communist League. About September, 1939,
Elitcher attended a meeting with Sobell at which
there was a discussion about forming a branch of
the Communist Party. This branch was formed and Elitcher
joined the Communist Party at the end of 1939. Meetings
of this group were held at the homes of various members
and dues were paid to the chairman of the group.
Elitcher stated that Sobell was the first chairman
of the group. At meetings, discussions were conducted
of news events based on the "Daily Worker" and
literature such as "The Communist." The
group also discussed Marxist and Leninist theory.
Suggestions were made to the members to join the
American Peace Mobilization and to assist the American
Youth Congress convention. Discussions were also
held concerning the Hitler-Stalin Pact, and members
were instructed to strive to get support of other
people for the Russian position. Elitcher continued
to go to these meetings until September, 1941. In
1942, Communist Party branches were formed which
contained groups of employees from particular Government
agencies, and Elitcher joined the Navy branch of
the Communist Party.
Elitcher
testified that around June, 1944, he received a telephone
call from Julius Rosenberg who identified himself
as a former college classmate of Elitcher. At Elitcher's
invitation Rosenberg visited the Elitcher home the
same evening. Rosenberg told Elitcher what the Soviet
Union was doing in the war effort and stated that
some war information was being denied that country.
Rosenberg pointed out, however, that some people
were providing military information to assist the
Soviet Union. Rosenberg asked Elitcher to supply
him with plans, reports, or books regarding new military
equipment and anything Elitcher thought would be
of value to the Soviet Union, pointing out that the
final choice for the Soviet Union of the value of
the information would not be up to Elitcher, but
that the information would be evaluated by someone
else.
In
September, 1944, Elitcher went on a one-week vacation
in a state park in West Virginia with Morton Sobell
and his future wife. During this vacation, Elitcher
told Sobell about Rosenberg's visit and request for
information to be given to the Soviet Union. When
he remarked that Rosenberg had said Sobell was helping
in this, Sobell became angry and said that Rosenberg
should not have mentioned his name.
In
the summer of 1945, Elitcher was in New York on vacation
and stayed at the apartment of Julius Rosenberg.
Rosenberg mentioned to Elitcher that Rosenberg had
been dismissed from his employment for security reasons
and that his membership in the Communist Party seemed
to be the basis of the case against him. Rosenberg
had been worried about this matter because he thought
his dismissal might have had some connection to his
espionage activity, but he was relieved when he found
out it concerned only his Communist activity.
Elitcher
also testified that in September, 1945, Rosenberg
came to Elitcher's home and told him that even though
the war was over, Russia's need for military information
continued. Rosenberg asked Elitcher about the type
of work he was doing, and Elitcher told him he was
working on sonar and anti-submarine fire-control
devices.
In
the early part of 1946, Elitcher visited an electric
company in connection with official business and
stayed at the home of Sobell in Schenectady. At the
time, Sobell was working at this electric company.
On this occasion Sobell and Elitcher discussed their
work.
Later
that year Elitcher again saw Sobell, and Sobell asked
about an ordnance pamphlet, but Elitcher said it
was not yet ready. Sobell suggested that Elitcher
see Rosenberg again.
At
the end of 1946 or in 1947, Elitcher telephoned Rosenberg
and said he would like to see him. At this time Rosenberg
advised Elitcher that there had been some changes
in the espionage work, that he felt there was a leak,
and that Elitcher should not come to see him until
further notice. He also advised Elitcher to discontinue
his Communist activities.
Elitcher
testified that in 1947, Sobell had secured employment
at an instrument company in New York City doing classified
work for the Armed Forces. Elitcher saw Sobell there
several times and on one occasion had lunch with
him at a restaurant in New York City. Sobell asked
Elitcher on this occasion if he knew of any progressive
students or graduates and if so, whether he would
put Sobell in touch with them. Elitcher said he did
not know any.
In
October, 1948, Elitcher left the Bureau of Ordnance
and went to work for the instrument company in New
York City where Sobell was employed. He lived in
a house in Flushing, New York, and Sobell lived on
a street behind him. They went to work together in
a car pool. During a trip home from work one evening,
Sobell again asked Elitcher about individuals Elitcher
might know who would be progressive. Sobell pointed
out to Elitcher that because of security measures
being taken by the Government, it was necessary to
find students to provide information whom no one
would suspect.
Elitcher
further testified that prior to leaving the Bureau
of Ordnance, he had discussed with Sobell his desire
to secure new employment during a visit Elitcher
made to New York City in the summer of 1948. Sobell
told Elitcher not to leave the Bureau of Ordnance
until Elitcher had talked to Rosenberg.
Thereafter,
Sobell made an appointment for Elitcher to meet with
Rosenberg. They met on the street in New York, and
Rosenberg told Elitcher that it was too bad Elitcher
had decided to leave because Rosenberg needed someone
to work at the Bureau of Ordnance for espionage purposes.
Sobell was present at this meeting and urged Elitcher
to stay at the Bureau of Ordnance. Rosenberg and
Elitcher then had dinner together at a restaurant
in New York City where they continued to talk about
Elitcher's desire to leave his job. Rosenberg wanted
to know where important defense work was being done,
and Elitcher mentioned laboratories at Whippany,
New Jersey. Rosenberg suggested that possibly Elitcher
could take courses at college to improve his status.
Elitcher
also testified that in July, 1948, he took a trip
to New York City by car during which he believed
he was being followed. He proceeded to Sobell's home
and told him of his suspicion. Later that evening,
Sobell mentioned to Elitcher that he had some information
for Rosenberg which was too valuable to destroy,
and he wanted to get it to Rosenberg that night.
He requested Elitcher to accompany him.
Elitcher
observed Sobell take a 35-millimeter film container
with him and place it in the glove compartment of
Sobell's car. Sobell and he then drove to a building
in New York City and parked on Catherine Street.
Sobell took the container out of the glove compartment
and left. When he returned, Elitcher asked him what
Rosenberg thought of Elitcher's suspicion that he
was being followed, and Sobell answered that Rosenberg
thought it was nothing to worry about.
Elitcher
testified that Sobell possessed a camera, some 35-mm
film and an enlarger, and that all of the material
Sobell worked on in his various places of employment
was classified. He stated he last saw Sobell in June,
1950.
On
cross-examination, Elitcher recalled that during
Rosenberg's visit to his house in June, 1944, which
was after D-Day, Rosenberg mentioned that he had
a drink with a Russian in celebration of this event.
Elitcher testified that Rosenberg contacted him at
least nine times from 1944 to 1948 in an attempt
to persuade him to obtain information for him, but
that he always put Rosenberg off. In 1948, Elitcher
told Rosenberg that he definitely would not cooperate
with him.
TOP OF PAGE
Bentley
Testifies
Elizabeth
Bentley, a confessed former Communist, testified
that she was a member of the Harlem section of the
Communist Party from 1935 to 1938. In July, 1938,
she secured a job in the Italian Library of Information,
and for the remainder of that year was instructed
to go underground and to pretend not to know other
Communists. While employed there, she came to know
Feruccio Marini, a Communist Party official who handled
Italian Communist activity in the United States.
She knew Marini under the name of F. Brown. In October,
1938, she met Jacob Golos through Marini. Golos was
in the Communist underground and operated World Tourist,
Inc., a travel agency set up in 1927 by the Communist
Party. Until his death in November, 1943, Golos had
been a member of the three-man control commission
of the Communist Party in the United States.
According
to Bentley, the Communist Party of the United States
was part of Communist International. After Golos
died, Bentley had other contacts, the last one being
Anatole Gromov, First Secretary of the Soviet Embassy
in the United States; her final contact with Gromov
being in December, 1945. She stated that the information
which Golos had obtained was passed on to the Soviet
Embassy.
After
Golos died, Bentley's duties consisted of collecting
information from Communists employed in the U.S.
Government and passing it on through Communist superiors
to Moscow. She stated that the Communist Party in
the United States served the interests of Moscow.
She revealed that she transmitted orders to Earl
Browder from Moscow which he had to accept. Pointing
out the close relationship between the Communist
Party in this country and Communist International,
Bentley stated that this close relationship was preached
at Communist Party meetings. Any member who did not
adhere to the Party line, as dictated by Communist
International in Moscow, was expelled. She revealed
that all of her contacts in her work were obtained
from the Communist Party.
In
the summer of 1945, Bentley reported to the Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) all her activities
and was asked if she would continue her activities
under FBI guidance, which she did until the spring
of 1947.
Bentley
stated that, during her association with Golos, she
became aware of the fact that Golos knew an engineer,
named "Julius." In the fall of 1942, she
accompanied Golos to Knickerbocker Village but remained
in his automobile. She saw Golos conferring with
Julius on the street but at some distance. From conversations
with Golos, she learned that Julius lived in Knickerbocker
Village. She also stated that she had telephone conversations
with Julius from the fall of 1942 until November,
1943.
In
interviews with FBI Agents, Bentley had described
Julius as being about 5'10", slim, and wearing
glasses. She had also advised that he was the leader
of a Communist cell of engineers which was turned
over to Golos for Soviet espionage purposes. Julius
was to be the contact between Golos and the group.
Golos believed this cell of engineers was capable
of development.
Investigation
by the FBI disclosed that Julius Rosenberg resided
in a development known as Knickerbocker Village,
was 5'10" tall, slim, and wore glasses. Bentley,
however, was unable to make a positive identification
of Julius.
Julius
and Ethel Rosenberg testified and denied all espionage
allegations against them. They admitted having a
console table, but denied it was a gift from the
Russians, as claimed by David Greenglass and his
wife. They stated that they bought the table at a
New York City department store in 1944 or 1945. On
cross-examination, they were asked questions as to
their Communist affiliations but refused to answer
on the grounds of self-incrimination.
On
March 28, 1951, counsel for each side summed up their
respective case to the jury. On March 29, 1951, the
jury rendered a verdict of guilty against the three
defendents, Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, and Morton
Sobell.
On
April 5, 1951, the following sentences were imposed:
Julius Rosenberg, death, such sentence to be carried
out during the week of May 21, 1951; Ethel Rosenberg,
death, such sentence to be carried out during the
week of May 21, 1951; and Morton Sobell, imprisonment
for a term of 30 years.
TOP OF PAGE
Communist
Party Front Activities and Propaganda on Behalf
of the Rosenbergs
The
desperate legal struggle waged on behalf of the Rosenbergs
was matched in intensity by an extraordinary propaganda
drive to "Save the Rosenbergs." Significantly,
the Communists' frenzied effort to rescue the Rosenbergs
from what they termed "legal murder" was
deferred for more than a year after their arrests
and for more than four months after they had been
found guilty in a trial which the Communists later
called a "monstrous frame-up" and "a
travesty of justice."
At
first the Rosenberg trial went completely unnoticed
in the usually vigilant Communist Party press. Not
a word about the alleged Rosenberg "frame-up" appeared
in the "Daily Worker" until the day after
the jury returned a verdict of guilty. Moreover,
the Party's first public recognition of the Rosenberg
case gave no hint whatever of the tremendous propaganda
storm that the Communists would later raise over
the Rosenbergs. Buried inconspicuously on page 9
of the March 30, 1951, "Daily Worker," the
Rosenberg conviction was reported in routine fashion.
No
further notice appeared in the "Daily Worker" concerning
the Rosenberg case until April 6, 1951, when it was
announced under a feature headline as follows: "Rosenbergs
Sentenced to Death, Made Scapegoats for Korean War." The
article, noting that the Rosenbergs were parents
of two small children, appeared to be aimed chiefly
at condemning the severity of the sentence, rather
than the verdict itself. The word "frame-up," later
to become virtually synonymous with the Rosenberg
trial in Communist propaganda, was not yet used.
In the same issue of the "Daily Worker," a
front-page editorial charging that American "panic
mongers" were deliberately trying to create
an atmosphere of war made several oblique references
to the Rosenberg case without, however, directly
questioning the verdict.
It
was not until midsummer of 1951 that the propaganda
campaign on behalf of the Rosenbergs began in earnest.
Even at this late date, the Communist Party did not
immediately commit itself to the task of vindicating
the Rosenbergs and exposing the "hideous plot" against
them. Instead, the campaign was intitiated in the
form of a series of articles in the "National
Guardian." This publication was described in
1949 by the California Committee on Un-American Activities
as notoriously Stalinist in its staff, writers, management,
and content.
It
is evident that the clemency drive on behalf of the
Rosenbergs was from the beginning a highly artificial
affair, and was carefully promoted rather than a
spontaneous public reaction which the Communist press
sought to show. This was indicated from the mere
fact that the "Daily Worker" was about
to print the names and addresses of hundreds of clergymen
and intellectuals who had written to the President
asking for clemency. Unless the National Committee
to Secure Justice in the Rosenberg Case (NCSJRC),
or the Communist Party, had solicited such letters
themselves, the Party press would have had no way
of knowing who had written to the White House except
in a few isolated incidents. At a number of rallies
sponsored by the NCSJRC, individuals in attendance
were handed telegrams, post cards, or letters which
were completely filled out and addressed to the President
and which lacked only a signature. In addition, it
was reported that representatives of the NCSJRC conducted
intensive house-to-house canvasses in an effort to
obtain signatures for clemency petitions.
From
December 27, 1952, to January 17, 1953, a continuous
round-the-clock picket line was maintained by Rosenberg
sympathizers at the White House during the period
that former President Truman was presumably studying
a plea for executive clemency. This "White House
Clemency Vigil" was called off on January 17,
1953, after more than 500 consecutive hours, only
when it became evident that President Truman would
not rule on the petition for clemency prior to his
retirement from office. According to the "Daily
Worker," this affair climaxed on January 5,
1953, when more than 2,000 persons from 22 states
arrived at the District of Columbia to take part
in the "vigil."
As
the final legal moves were being made by the Rosenbergs'
defense attorneys, thousands of pickets formed around
the White House in June, 1953. The majority of these
pickets poured into Washington, D.C., from New York
City, where the NCSJRC had arranged for several special "clemency
trains" to carry these Rosenberg sympathizers
to the Nation's Capital.
The
picketing at the White House began at approximately
1:30 p.m. on June 14; at 4:00 p.m. the pickets marched
to Ninth Street and Constitution Avenue, Northwest,
where the NCSJRC held a "prayer meeting" at
which the Rosenbergs were eulogized by officials
of the Committee and several clergymen.
An
official count of the pickets by the Washington,
D.C., Metropolitan Police Department indicated that
there were approximately 6,800 persons involved in
this attempt to pressure the President of the United
States into granting clemency for the convicted atom
spies. The NCSJRC's own estimate of the number of
pickets was set at 13,000.
Following
this "prayer meeting," the majority of
pickets returned to New York City, leaving a small
handful of pickets to continue the "24-hour
vigil" at the White House. The picketing of
the White House continued until June 17, 1953, when
after the U.S. Supreme Court recessed for the summer,
one of the Supreme Court justices announced that
he had granted a stay of execution in order that
new points of law brought before him by defense attorneys
could be heard by the lower courts.
Upon
receiving the news that the Government was successful
in petitioning for an extraordinary session of the
U.S. Supreme Court, the NCSJRC went into action and
again sent pickets to parade before the White House.
The picketing continued until the execution of the
Rosenbergs was announced at approximately 8:45 p.m.
on June 19, 1953, at which time about 500 pickets
were on hand at the White House.
This
case has been used by Communist Parties thoughout
the world for propaganda purposes against the United
States. American embassies in Canada and Europe were
flooded with petitions for clemency by various people
and organizations. During the last few days prior
to the execution of the Rosenbergs, demonstrations
were held in major capitals of Europe, such as Paris,
Rome and London. In a news release on June 20, 1953,
foreign reaction to the execution was reported as
follows: " Paris - Communist-led groups
swarmed through European streets last night and early
today in generally orderly demonstrations protesting
the execution of atom spies Julius and Ethel Rosenberg.
A French teenager was shot and wounded and 386 persons
were arrested in Paris."
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Court
Action Following Convictions
The
Communists employed every conceivable trick in their
efforts to aid the atom spies, including high-pressuring
the courts by innumerable appeals. The case was dragged
out for a period in excess of two years.
On
February 11, 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower
denied the petition for executive clemency filed
by the Rosenbergs. In denying this petition, President
Eisenhower stated, "These two individuals have
been tried and convicted of a most serious crime
against the people of the United States. They have
been found guilty of conspiring with intent and reason
to believe that it would be to the advantage of a
foreign power, to deliver to the agents of that foreign
power certain highly secret atomic information relating
to the national defense of the United States. The
nature of the crime for which they have been found
guilty and sentenced far exceeds that of the taking
of the life of another citizen; it involves the deliberate
betrayal of the entire Nation and could very well
result in the death of many, many thousands of innocent
citizens. By their act these two individuals have,
in fact, betrayed the cause of freedom for which
free men are fighting and dying at this very hour."
President
Eisenhower continued, "The courts have provided
every opportunity for the submission of evidence
bearing on this case. In this time-honored tradition
of American justice, a freely selected jury of their
fellow citizens considered the evidence in this case
and rendered its judgement. All rights of appeal
were exercised and the conviction of the trial court
was upheld after full judicial review, including
that of the highest court in the land. I have made
a careful examination into this case, and I am satisfied
that the two individuals have been accorded their
full measure of justice. There has been neither new
evidence nor have there been mitigating circumstances
which would justify altering this decision and I
have determined that it is my duty, in the interest
of the people of the United States, not to set aside
the verdict of their representatives.
On
May 29, 1953, the District Judge set the date of
execution of the Rosenbergs for the week of June
15, 1953. At the time, the usual execution date at
Sing Sing Prison was Thursday night, which meant
the Rosenbergs were scheduled to die on June 18,
1953.
Still,
additional appeals both to the Circuit Court of Appeals
for the Second Circuit and the U.S. Supreme Court
followed.
Finally,
on June 16, 1953, a Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court
requested the Rosenberg defense attorneys to submit
their petitions for a stay of execution in writing.
On that date, two attorneys appeared at the Supreme
Court and attempted to file petitions for a writ
of habeas corpus on behalf of the Rosenbergs. Their
action in attempting to file these writs was opposed
by attorneys for the Rosenbergs. These petitions
for a writ of habeas corpus were heard by the Supreme
Court Justice in his chambers.
The
main issue made in the petition was that, under the
1946 Atomic Energy Act, the death sentence might
be imposed only upon the recommendation of the jury
and then only when the defendants were charged with
intent to injure the United States. It was argued
that, inasmuch as the conspiracy for which the Rosenbergs
were convicted commenced in 1944 and existed until
1950, the provisions of the Atomic Energy Act applied
to the sentencing, rather than the provisions of
the Espionage Act of 1917.
On
June 17, 1953, a stay of execution was granted by
this Justice in order that the question raised could
be argued in the District Court and more evidence
received in order to determine whether there was
merit to the argument.
On
June 19, 1953, a special session of the U.S. Supreme
Court, which had been called by the Chief Justice,
vacated the stay of execution granted two days previously.
On
June 19, 1953, the President of the United States
refused to grant executive clemency to Julius and
Ethel Rosenberg. In this refusal, the President stated, "Since
its original review proceedings in the Rosenberg
case by the Supreme Court of the United States, the
courts have considered numerous further proceedings
challenging the Rosenberg convictions and the sentences
imposed. Within the last two days, the Supreme Court,
convened in a special session, has again reviewed
a further point which one of the justices felt the
Rosenbergs should have an opportunity to present.
This morning the Supreme Court ruled that there was
no substance to this point. I am convinced that the
only conclusion to be drawn from a history of this
case is that the Rosenbergs have received the benefit
of every safeguard which American justice can provide.
There is no question in my mind that their original
trial and the long series of appeals constitute the
fullest measure of justice and due process of law.
Throughout the innumerable complications and technicalities
of this case, no judge has ever expressed any doubt
that they committed most serious acts of espionage.
Accordingly, only most extraordinary circumstances
would warrant executive intervention in this case.
I am not unmindful of the fact that this case has
aroused grave concern both here and abroad. In this
connection, I can only say that by immeasurably increasing
the chances of atomic war the Rosenbergs may have
condemned to death tens of millions of innocent people
all over the world. The execution of two human beings
is a grave matter, but even graver is the thought
of the millions of dead whose death may be directly
attributable to what these spies have done."
The
President continued, "When democracy's enemies
have been judged guilty of a crime as horrible as
that of which the Rosenbergs were convicted; when
the legal processes of democracy have been marshaled
to their maximum strength to protect the lives of
convicted spies; when in their most solemn judgment
the tribunals of the United States have adjudged
them guilty and the sentence just, I will not intervene
in this matter."
At
8:05 p.m. on June 19, 1953, Julius Rosenberg was
executed at Sing Sing Prison, Ossining, New York.
At 8:15 p.m. on the same date, Ethel Rosenberg was
executed at Sing Sing Prison.
David Greenglass, who received a 15-year sentence after a guilty plea, was
released from Federal prison on November 16, 1960. He was required to report
periodically to a parole officer until November, 1965.
TOP OF PAGE
[ Julius
and Ethel Rosenburg (Summary) ]