Recent Press Releases

WASHINGTON, D.C. – U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell announced Thursday that he secured $52.6 million in funding for several Kentucky projects in the Senate version of the FY’10 Defense Appropriations bill. The legislation was approved by a key Senate committee today and next goes to the Senate floor for consideration.

“Kentucky’s military installations, universities and defense manufacturers play a vital role in American national security and it is imperative that they receive the financial support necessary to continue their work to support our troops here and abroad,” McConnell said.



McConnell secured funding for the following projects in the bill:

• $3.6 million for the Kentucky National Guard Marijuana Eradication Program

Funding for this program is necessary to help the Kentucky National Guard continue its marijuana eradication efforts in the Daniel Boone National Forest.

• $2.5 million for University of Kentucky Discriminatory Imaging for Missile Defense Program

The University of Kentucky is working to develop, test and demonstrate advanced technology imaging and network solutions for battlefield needs. This technology can enable real-time streaming video for mission planning, rehearsal and implementation at the war fighter level.

• $1.2 million for UK/Fort Knox Rapidly Deployable Visualization Center

UK and Ft. Knox will use the funds to expand on their work to develop a virtual reality-based immersive visualization environment to support military operations training in urban terrains.

• $6 million for the University of Louisville Biometric Optical Surveillance Project

The funds will support UofL’s research into biometric signatures. Researchers at UofL are working to improve the military’s ability to identify chemical signatures to prevent and defend against chemical and biological terrorism.

• $1.9 million for UofL Comprehensive Trauma/Organ Injury Program

The University of Louisville will use the funds to develop new strategies to prevent infection, poor tissue blood flow, and secondary organ injury damage following abdominal battlefield injuries – to potentially aid our wounded troops in the field.

• $1 million for UofL Radio Frequency Identification Technologies

The funds will be used by UofL for the development of new technologies and systems using radio frequency identification (RFID) and Global Positioning Systems (GPS) to assist the Department of Defense in its effort to get equipment and supplies to troops across the world in a timely manner.

• $3 million for Reactive Armor Ballistics Technology

The funds will be used to test and develop prototypes for Reactive Armor for lighter-weight military vehicles – for better troop protection in the field. The work is being done in Graham, Kentucky.

• $3.4 million for Small Arms Weapons Shot Counters

This funding will be used to complete the development of the Weapons Shot Counter for the military, particularly Special Operations Forces. These units make weapons maintenance more efficient – avoiding many small arms system failures in combat and saving taxpayer dollars by preventing unnecessary repairs. The work is being done in Crestview Hills, Kentucky.

• $3 million for the Mk 38 Minor Caliber Gun System

The funding will be used by the Navy to purchase this ship gun system, which protects manufacturing jobs in Louisville.

• $12 million for the Mk 45 Mod 5” Gun Mount Overhauls

The Navy will use the funding to purchase three additional gun mount overhaul systems – supporting vital jobs in Louisville.

• $2 million for the Mk 110 57mm Naval Gun

This funding will enable workers in Louisville to continue their work on this naval gun system for the Navy’s newest ships.

• $12 million for Next Generation Laser Phalanx

This funding will be used to support the Navy’s development of the Laser Phalanx and to support jobs in Louisville.

• $1 million for the RAM Mark 49 Mod 3 Launcher

The Rolling Airframe Missile (RAM) Weapons System is a shipboard quick reaction system to provide protection from anti-ship cruise missiles. The launcher system is constructed by workers in Louisville.

• The Senate bill also fully supports the President’s Budget Request of over $400 million, the most ever, which will benefit operations to safely and efficiently dispose of chemical weapons at the Blue Grass Army Depot.

The Defense Appropriations bill will now go to the full Senate for consideration.

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Senator Ted Kennedy

September 10, 2009



WASHINGTON, D.C. - U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell made the following remarks on the Senate floor Thursday in honor of Senator Ted Kennedy:

“I too would like to speak of our departed colleague, Ted Kennedy, whose passing last month focused the attention of the nation and whose extraordinary life has been memorialized over these past weeks in so many poignant stories and heartfelt expressions of gratitude and grief.

“Today, the Senate also grieves — not only because he was a friend — but because the Senate was so much a part of who he was, and because he became so much a part of the Senate.

“The simplest measure is sheer longevity. At the time of his death, Ted could call himself the third longest-serving senator in history, having served almost one-fifth of the time the Senate has existed. Or consider this: when I was an intern here in the ‘60s, Ted was already a well-known senator. And when I was elected to the Senate nearly quarter of a century ago, Ted had already been here for nearly a quarter of a century. He served with 10 presidents, or nearly one out of every four of them.

“No one would have predicted that kind of a run for Ted on the day he became a Senator back on November 7, 1962. No one, that is, except maybe Ted. Ted had signaled what his legacy might be as far back as 1965, when he spoke of setting a record for longevity. Mike Mansfield saw a glimpse of it too, a few years later. When somebody mentioned Ted as a possible presidential candidate, Mansfield responded: ‘He’s in no hurry. He’s young. He likes the Senate. Of all the Kennedys, he’s the only one who was and is a real Senate man.’

“As it turned out, Mansfield was right. But Ted knew even then that his legacy as a lawmaker wouldn’t come about just by sitting at his desk. He’d have to build it. And over the course of the next 47 years, that’s exactly what he did, slowly, patiently, doggedly; making his mark as much in tedious committee hearings as on the stump, as much in the details of legislation as in its broader themes.

“Ted’s last name ensured that he was already one of the stars of American politics even before he became a senator. To this day he is still the only man or woman in U.S. history to be elected to the Senate while one of his relatives sat in the White House. But to those who thought Ted, even if elected, would avoid the rigors of public life, he became a living rebuke. In short, he became a senator.

“He surprised the skeptics — first of all with his friendliness and his wit. When he made his national political debut in 1962 on ‘Meet the Press,’ a questioner asked him if maybe there were already too many Kennedys. His response: ‘You should have talked to my mother and father ...’

“Russell Long was one early admirer. In what has to go down as one of the falsest first impressions in modern politics, Long spoke approvingly of the new senator from Massachusetts as, quote, a ‘quiet … sort of fellow.’

“Ted got along with everybody. The earliest memories that family members have are of Ted laughing and making other people laugh. His secret weapon then, and years later, as Chris Dodd rightly pointed out at one of the memorial services, was simply this: that people liked him … So much so that he could call people like Jim Eastland — someone with whom he had nothing at all in common politically — a friend.

“Ted had learned early on that he could be more effective through alliances and relationships than by hollering and carrying on. We all know he did a fair amount of that too. He provided some of the best theater the Senate’s ever known. But once he left the chamber, he turned it off. He sought out allies wherever he could find them — Strom Thurmond, Dan Quayle, Senator Hatch, Senator McCain, George W. Bush — and he earned their cooperation by keeping his word and through thousands of small acts of kindness.

“Senator McCain has recounted the birthday bash that Ted threw ten years ago for his son Jimmy’s 11th birthday. Senator Barrasso remembers the kindness Ted showed him as a new senator. And Senator Barrasso’s family will long remember how much time Senator Kennedy spent sharing stories with them at the reception after the swearing in, and that he was one of the last ones to leave.

“Like so many others, I’ve known Ted’s graciousness first hand. Anyone who watches C-SPAN 2 could see Ted railing at the top of his lungs against my position on this policy or that policy. What they didn’t see was the magnificent show he put on a few years ago in Kentucky at my invitation for students at the University of Louisville; or the framed photo he gave me that day of my political role model, John Sherman Cooper. I interned for Cooper as a young man. Ted knew that, and he knew Cooper was a neighbor and a good friend of his brother Jack’s.

“Ted’s gregariousness was legendary. But his passion and intensity as a lawmaker would also reach near-mythic proportions in his own lifetime. And even those of us who saw the same problems but different solutions on issue after issue — even we couldn’t help but admire the focus and the fight Ted brought to every debate in which he played a part.

“And over the years we came to see what he was doing here in the Senate. When it came to Ted’s future, everyone was always looking at it through the prism of the presidency. They should have focused on this chamber instead. It was here that he slowly built the kind of influence and voice for a national constituency that was common for senators in the 19th century but extremely rare in the 20th.

“He became a fiery spokesman for liberals everywhere. Ted and I would have had a hard time agreeing on the color of the carpet when we were in the chamber together. Yet despite his public image as a liberal firebrand, he was fascinated by the hard work of creating consensus, and jumped into that work, even toward the end, with the enthusiasm of a young staffer. Ted’s high school teammates recalled that he never walked to the huddle; he always ran. Anyone who ever sat across from Ted at a conference table believed it.

“Ted realized that senators could do an awful lot once they got past the magnetic pull that Pennsylvania Avenue has on so many senators. His brother Jack once said that as a senator he thought the president had all the influence; that it wasn’t until he was president that he realized how much influence senators had. It was a similar insight that led Ted to tell a group of Boston Globe reporters in 1981 that, for him, the Senate was fulfilling, satisfying, challenging, and that he could certainly spend his life here — which, of course, he did.

“And then, when it was winding down, he saw what he’d done as a senator and what the Senate had done for him, and he wanted others to see it too. So he set about to establish the Edward M. Kennedy Institute for the United States Senate, a place that would focus on this institution the way presidential libraries focus on presidents.

“The Founders, of course, envisioned the legislative and executive branches as carrying equal weight. Article I is about Congress, after all, not the Presidency. His life and legacy help restore that vision of a legislative counterweight of equal weight. That’s an important institutional contribution every senator can appreciate. It’s something he did through hard work, tenacity, and sheer will. It wasn’t the legacy most expected. But it’s the legacy he wrought, and in the end he could call it his own.

“Toward the end of his life, one of the great lawmakers of the 19th century, Henry Clay, was asked to speak to the Kentucky general assembly. Thanks to Clay’s efforts, the Compromise of 1850 had just been reached, and Clay had become a national hero through a job that he had spent most of his career trying to escape. His speech received national coverage, and, according to one biographer, all acknowledged his privileged station as an elder statesman.

“For years, Clay had wanted nothing more than to be president of the United States. But now, after this last great legislative victory, something else came into view. Clay told the assembled crowd that day that in the course of months and months of intense negotiations leading up to the Great Compromise, he had consulted with Democrats just as much as he had with members of his own party, and he found in them just as much patriotism and honor as he had found with the Whigs.

“The whole experience had moved Clay away from party rivalry, he said, and toward a new goal. ‘I want no office, no station in the gift of man,’ he said, [except] a warm place in your hearts.’

“Well, every man has his own story. Ted Kennedy never moved away from party rivalry. He was a fierce partisan to the end. But over the years he reminded the world of the great potential of this institution, and even came to embody it. We will never forget the way he filled the chamber with that booming voice, waving his glasses at his side and jabbing his fingers at the air; or the many times we saw him playing outside with his dogs. How many times did we spot him coming through a doorway or onto an elevator, his hair white as the surf, and think: Here comes history itself?

“As the youngest child in one of the most influential political families in U.S. history, Ted Kennedy had enormous shoes to fill. Yet in nearly 50 years of service as a young senator, a candidate for president, a legislative force, and an elder statesman, it is hard to argue that he didn’t fill those shoes, in a part he wrote all by himself.

“It is hard to imagine the Senate without Ted thundering on the floor. It will be harder still, I’m sure, for the Kennedy family to think of a future without him. You could say all these things and more about the late Senator from Massachusetts. And you could also say this: Edward Moore Kennedy will always have a warm place in our hearts.”

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‘Tonight, the President has an opportunity to reframe the debate, but only if he recognizes that the Democrats’ original plan for health care reform doesn’t wash with the American people. When it comes to health care, Americans don’t want government to tear down the house we have. They want it to repair the one we’ve got’

WASHINGTON, D.C. - U.S. Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell made the following remarks on the Senate floor Wednesday regarding the President’s address to a joint session of Congress and the importance of getting it right on health care reform:

“As we all know, the President will be here tonight, and he’ll get a warm reception, as Presidents always do when they address the nation from the Capitol. It’s a short trip from 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, but it’s always meaningful whenever a president from either political party speaks to a joint session. So we welcome him.

“He picked a good topic. Americans are extremely skeptical about the health care proposals the administration and Democrats in Congress have been talking about over the past several months. And they’re understandably baffled by some of the arguments that have been used to promote them.

“Americans don’t understand how a massive expansion of government will lower costs, as the administration claims. They don’t understand how $500 billion in cuts to Medicare won’t affect the millions of seniors who depend on it. Americans don’t understand how they’ll be able to keep the health plans they have if government is allowed to undermine the private market. And they don’t understand why the administration doesn’t seem to be listening to these and many other concerns.

“Americans want specifics. They want solid assurances about what health care reform would mean for themselves and for their families and, just as importantly, what it won’t mean. Americans have been clear about what they don’t want to see in health care reform. Now they want the administration to be clear with them.

“One thing that’s already apparent in this debate is that the problem isn’t the administration’s sales pitch. The problem is what they’re selling. Americans are rightly concerned about a rush to hike taxes on small businesses, cut seniors’ Medicare benefits, and add trillions of dollars in more government spending and debt. For months, the President and Democrats in Congress have been describing their plans for reform. The status quo is unacceptable. But if August showed us anything, it’s that so are the alternatives that the administration and Democrats in Congress have proposed.

“Tonight, the President has an opportunity to reframe the debate, but only if he recognizes that the Democrats’ original plan for health care reform doesn’t wash with the American people. When it comes to health care, Americans don’t want government to tear down the house we have. They want it to repair the one we’ve got. That means sensible, step-by-step reforms, not more trillion dollar grand schemes. It means preserving what people like about our health care system, not destroying it all at once or starving it over time.

“A government takeover on the installment plan — or a ‘trigger’ as some are calling it — is still a government takeover. It’s a bad idea now. It’ll be a bad idea whenever the trigger kicks in. Proponents of a trigger say that it might not be needed. But you can be sure of this: if Democrats are in charge, they’ll pull the trigger at some point. Let’s be honest. Letting Democrats decide whether to pull the trigger on government-run health care is like asking the pitcher, not the umpire, to call the balls and strikes.

“Proponents of a trigger also say that Republicans approved one for the Medicare drug benefit. What they don’t say is that ours was designed to ensure competition, not to stifle it. That trigger would have prohibited the government from being a fallback plan. This trigger would make the government the regulator, the payer, and a competitor, and put the taxpayer on the hook for its cost. Don’t be fooled: proponents of government-run health care realized last month that ‘government plan’ had become a dirty word, so they latched onto a new way to describe the same thing: a trigger. Americans aren’t confused by the Democrats’ reform proposal. They’re not asking for a new sales pitch. How many ways do they need to say it: Americans oppose a government takeover of health care, regardless of what it’s called.

“Over the past several weeks, I’ve visited with doctors, nurses, seniors, hospital workers, small businessmen and women, and countless others citizens across Kentucky and throughout the country — none of whom would call our current health care system perfect. But all of them are worried about so-called reforms that would undermine the things they like about the American health care system.

“People are concerned about a proposal that would raid Medicare rather than strengthening and preserving it. Most of the Democratic proposals we’ve seen would increase taxes on small businesses. People don’t understand why the administration would even entertain the idea of raising taxes on the businesses that create jobs in a country that’s already lost millions of jobs since January.

“Every Democrat proposal we’ve seen expands Medicaid — a program that’s administered by the federal government but largely paid for by the states. Republican and Democratic governors alike can’t believe the administration is proposing massive new expenses at a moment when many of these states can’t even pay the bills they’ve got. Many of these states are struggling just to survive in the current economy. And yet Democratic lawmakers in Washington want to spend billions to expand Medicaid and then send the bill to them.

“No wonder so many Americans think lawmakers in Washington are completely out of touch. Most states are constitutionally required to have balanced budgets. This means that if the federal government forces them to increase spending on Medicaid, they’ll have no choice but to either cut services or raise taxes. And that means Americans would be hit twice: first by the taxes on small businesses, then by higher taxes from state government — all for massive overhauls they don’t want.

“People don’t want risky, sweeping changes that increase the national debt and don’t solve the problems we have. That’s why I’ve been calling instead for common-sense reforms that build on the current system — for things like ending junk lawsuits on doctors and hospitals that drive up health care costs, lowering the costs for individual consumers by equalizing the tax treatment for individuals and businesses, and incentivizing healthy living to prevent diseases and to treat health problems early.

“For years, Republicans have sought reforms that would increase access to care —reforms that had the strong support of the American people, whether it was proposing to let small businesses pool their resources together to get the same competitive rates as big businesses, or by establishing health savings accounts that give people greater control over their care and their dollars. For years, we’ve pushed for medical liability reform and called on Congress to strengthen Medicare and Medicaid by fixing these necessary but financially-strapped programs.

“Most Democrats have resisted most of these incremental changes, hoping the day would come when they could create a whole new dramatic scheme from the ground up under government control. This summer they actually tried to do just that, and the American people told them to try again. Their message has been loud and it’s been clear: no more spending money we don’t have on programs we don’t need. No more debt. No more government expansion. And no government takeover of health care.

“Americans don’t want us to walk off the field. They want us to recommit ourselves to the reforms they want. If Democrats agree, we’ll be their partners. If they resist the pleas of Americans to start over, we won’t. All of us heard a lot from the American people last month. Now’s the time to show we were listening.”

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