Elijah Cummings, the Homeowner Crusader

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Rep. Elijah Cummings (D-MD) poses for a portrait in his office on Capitol Hill on Wednesday, Nov. 2, 2011 in Washington. | Photo by Jay Westcott/Politico)
'Not all of Congress understands how serious this problem is,' Cummings says. | Jay Westcott/POLITICO Close

For President Barack Obama, fixing the collapsed housing market may be a part of political calculus, a key factor in winning a second term. For Rep. Elijah Cummings (D-Md.), the fight to keep people in their homes and out of foreclosure is a personal mission.

“I feel it just sitting here and talking to you — it’s emotion,” Cummings told POLITICO in an interview last week. “When I walk out of my door every morning, five of 15 homes on the other side of the street are in foreclosure. … I see the devastation it brings on people every day.”

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And it’s pain he knows first-hand. In 1997, just after Baltimore voters swept him into Congress, Cummings fell six months behind on his mortgage payments. Unless he came up with nearly $6,000 — and fast — the bank would take his home and kick him to the street.

Cummings made his payments and kept his home, and 14 years later, he was reluctant to talk with POLITICO about his brush with foreclosure. Yet, it’s clear the experience fuels his drive as ranking member of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee to prevent others from experiencing the same fate, or worse — even if it means criticizing Obama, who, Cummings says, hasn’t attacked the problem with a sense of urgency.

“A lot of times, [critics] will look at me and say, ‘Well, here’s a guy who supported President Obama, and he’s African-American and President Obama is African-American,’” Cummings said. But his first responsibility, he said, “is to make sure the administration is doing its job well” and hold it to a high standard and “make sure that our committee conducts its work in a very fair way so we have the utmost credibility.”

But others in the House share some of the blame, he said — including Oversight Committee Chairman Darrell Issa (R-Calif.), who decided not to use his subpoena power to demand answers from mortgage lenders suspected of cutting corners on foreclosures as well as shortchanging service members buying homes. After some pushing, Cummings said, Issa agreed to a joint letter to the banks, but progress, and the institutions’ cooperation, has been slow in coming.

“The thing that disturbs me is that not all of Congress understands how serious this problem is,” said Cummings, a frown flashing across his deeply creased face.

“This is a situation where it’s not just one person who’s [affected]. It harms the people whose property value is going down all around them,” draining neighborhood wealth that can take a generation to restore. “No doubt about it.”

Every few months, Cummings oversees “foreclosure prevention” seminars in his district, one-on-one meetings between frustrated homeowners and often elusive lenders. He has grilled administration officials like Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and Housing and Urban Development Secretary Shaun Donovan. And he’s helped push Edward DeMarco, acting director of the Federal Housing Finance Administration, overseer of mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, to use his power to keep more roofs over people’s heads.

Perhaps most striking, Cummings has followed his crusade to places the White House has yet to go — to the doorsteps of the big banks and home mortgage lenders, whose questionable foreclosure practices and shaky loans helped trigger the tsunami of defaults, dumping a wave of repossessed homes on the market.

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