The first rule of the supercommittee: Its members don't talk
about the supercommittee.
The truth is that only a handful of people really know what's
going on, and most of them aren't talking - at least not on the
record. But in interviews with some members of the supercommittee,
their aides, their congressional colleagues and lobbyists - almost
all of whom spoke on condition of anonymity because of the
supercommittee's strict ethos of secrecy - a rough sketch of the
priorities of the individual members starts to emerge.
Some members seem intent on guarding their turf, others want to
be seen as real deal makers, while others feel the need to protect
their party's base priorities.
With a Friday deadline looming for regular committees to send
their recommendations to the supercommittee, here's POLITICO's
scorecard for each member:
Rep. Dave Camp (R-Mich.)
Camp's close to House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio), and he
won't move a muscle unless Boehner says "flex." He's made it clear
to his colleagues that he doesn't want to strike a big tax-reform
deal under the umbrella of the supercommittee. He'd rather preserve
the power of the Ways and Means Committee, of which he is chairman,
and the short time window allows him to make the argument that
complicated tax reforms can't be written and assessed
overnight.
His priority: Kick the tax reform can down the
road
Rep. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.)
Van Hollen has as much invested in a possible deal as anyone. He
was heavily involved in the development of the trigger that
requires automatic cuts to defense and domestic programs if the
group doesn't reach its goal. And his district is full of federal
workers who could lose their jobs through budget cuts. But his
future leadership ambitions mean he can't alienate his party's base
in the House. His participation in the Biden Group earlier this
year earned him the trust of Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi - one
fellow House Democrat referred to his role on the supercommittee as
"Nancy's boy."
His priority: Protect the interests of federal workers,
including himself
Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.)
Since his defeat in the 2004 presidential election, Kerry has
turned his focus to building his reputation as a legislator. The
supercommittee affords him the opportunity to help strike a big,
bipartisan deficit-reduction deal or to be a champion for the left
by blowing it up. What he'll do remains to be seen. But Kerry, who
heads the Foreign Relations Committee and is in line for the
Finance gavel in the future, has been hands-on in the process.
His priority: His legacy
Rep. Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas)
The unfailingly polite Texan has developed a good rapport with
fellow co-chairwoman Patty Murray. As a former chairman of the
House Republican Study Committee, it's hard to question his
conservative credentials - and many observers believe he would only
support a deal if it was unanimous. But he's also a protégé of
former Sen. Phil Gramm, and his imprimatur would give cover to many
House Republicans to support a deal. Hensarling's the
fourth-ranking Republican in the House, so he won't cut a deal if
it's not blessed by leadership.
His priority: Fundamental budget reform
Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio)
The former Office of Management and Budget director and U.S. trade
representative is universally seen as a good-faith negotiator and
the likeliest Republican to strike a deal. But Portman is often
discussed as a potential national-ticket candidate for the GOP, and
he's not likely to do anything that would endanger his chances in
the future. He has relationships in both chambers, including the
House Democrats appointed by Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi
(D-Calif.), with whom he served as a House member.
His priority: Tax and pension reform
Sen. Patty Murray (D-Wash.)
The one-time mom in tennis shoes is now the lady with the gavel.
Co-chairwoman of the supercommittee is not her only role: She's
also in charge of the Senate Democrats' campaign efforts and a
member of their leadership team. She's being groomed to be
chairwoman of the Appropriations Committee in the future, and she's
watching that panel's back in the negotiations. Murray could score
a victory by giving centrist Senate Democrats in tough races
something to vote for. Inside the room, she's the voice of Senate
Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.).
Her priority: Help vulnerable Senate
Democrats
Sen. Max Baucus (D-Mont.)
Baucus is a tough nut to crack: Just when folks think he'd go so
far to strike a deal that he might as well put an "R" after his
name, the veteran Montanan takes a hard line on entitlement
benefits. He's also made clear that he will fight to limit damage
to agricultural states. Like Camp, he'd surely prefer to keep the
job of writing tax policy with the committee he controls - the
Senate Finance Committee. Could he be part of a deal? Sure. But
maybe only if it puts taxes and entitlements back in Finance's
hands.
His priority: The 2014 Senate election
Sen. Jon Kyl (R-Ariz.)
Kyl, who's retiring in 2013, didn't ask for this job. He was tapped
by Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), and he's there
to keep an eye on the deliberations for the GOP leadership. The
whole discussion pits two of his ideals against each other: He
opposes tax hikes and defense cuts. He'll be sure to try to keep
the overall numbers low - certainly closer to the $1.2 trillion
target the committee has set because a big deal would mean tax
revenue and because it could help Democratic senators battling for
reelection.
His priority: Protect the GOP's prospects for
2012
Rep. Fred Upton (R-Mich.)
Because he's got a reputation as a moderate, Upton can't afford to
get crosswise with conservatives. They opposed his successful
effort to win the gavel of the Energy and Commerce Committee after
the 2010 election, and he still needs to solidify his standing. But
its Upton's committee that has the capacity to create revenue
without raising taxes. Spectrum auction and oil and gas drilling
are two possible sources of government income that could be on the
table.
His priority: Don't get tagged as a "squish"
Rep. Xavier Becerra (D-Calif.)
It's hard to view anything the vice chairman of the House
Democratic Caucus does through anything but the lens of internal
party politics. His penchant for seizing the left's flag at the
expense of other Democrats - including Pelosi - has cost him
political points with some of his colleagues. But if he plays his
cards right, he could find himself atop the Democratic roster on
the Ways and Means Committee in the future. He will sign off on a
deal only if it's something the majority of House Democrats
back.
His priority: Keep faith with progressives
Rep. Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.)
Clyburn's tired of poor folks getting the short end of the
legislative stick. He's been working for years to try to address
the problems of communities beset by chronic poverty. Big cuts to
domestic programs mean less money for programs that lower- and
middle-income Americans depend on. Clyburn's style is that of a
deal maker, but he's not anxious to identify budget turkeys that
get the ax.
His priority: The poor
Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Pa.)
Toomey's an archconservative from a swing state, and the
supercommittee gives him a chance to prove that he can play ball.
Anything he blesses gives fiscal conservatives cover because he's a
former head of the anti-tax Club for Growth. Don't look for him to
approve of any plan to raise taxes, but sources say it's unlikely
that he got himself in the room just to sandbag the process. He's
out to prove he's not a right-wing write-off.
His priority: Get an "A" in deportment
|