Statement Of Senator Patrick Leahy
On The Merida Initiative
Congressional Record
May 21, 2008
MR. LEAHY. The Fiscal Year 2008
supplemental appropriations bill provides $450 million for the
Merida Initiative, including $350 million for Mexico and $100
million for Central America, Haiti and the Dominican Republic.
This is the first installment of an ongoing commitment to help
our neighbors to the south respond to the growing violence and
corruption of heavily armed drug cartels. It represents a
ten-fold increase in assistance for Mexico in a single year.
The Merida Initiative is a
partnership, and we recognize that achieving its goals presents
an extraordinarily difficult challenge. The United States is
the principal market for most of the illegal drugs coming from
Mexico and Central America. We are also the source of most of
the guns used by the Mexican and Central American cartels. Each
country contributes to this problem, and we each have to be part
of the solution.
President Calderon and President
Bush deserve credit for the Merida Initiative. Better and
more-cooperative relations between our countries are long
overdue.
It is unfortunate, however, that
neither the Mexican or Central American legislatures, nor the
U.S. Congress, nor representatives of civil society, had a role
in shaping the Merida Initiative. There was no refinement
through consultation. I first learned of it from the press, as
did other Members of Congress.
As we have come to expect from
this Administration, the White House reached a secret agreement
with foreign governments calling for hundreds of millions of
U.S. taxpayer dollars, and then came to Congress demanding a
blank check.
I support the goals of the Merida
Initiative, and this bill provides a very generous down payment
on what I believe will be a far longer commitment than the
three-year initiative proposed by the Administration. It will
take longer than one year just to obligate and expend the $350
million for Mexico in this supplemental bill, and the President
has requested another $477 million for Mexico in Fiscal Year
2009.
In addition to appropriating the
funds, most of which may be obligated immediately, we require
the Secretary of State to determine and report that procedures
are in place and actions are taken by the Mexican and Central
American governments to ensure that recipients of our aid are
not involved in corruption or human rights violations, and that
members of the military and police forces who commit violations
are brought to justice.
This is fundamental. For years we
have trained Mexican and Central American police forces, and it
is well known that some of them have ended up working for the
drug cartels. It is common knowledge that corruption is rampant
within their law enforcement institutions – the very entities we
are about to support.
It is also beyond dispute that
Mexican and Central American military and police forces have a
long history of human rights violations – including arbitrary
arrests, torture, rape and extra-judicial killings – for which
they have rarely been held accountable. Examples of army and
police officers who have been prosecuted and punished for these
heinous crimes are few and far between. Mexican human rights
defenders who criticize the military for violating human rights
fear for their lives.
Some, particularly the Mexican
press, argue that conditioning our aid on adherence to the rule
of law is somehow an “infringement of sovereignty,”
“subjugation” or “meddling,” or that it “sends the wrong
message.” I strongly disagree.
Since when is it bad policy, or an
infringement of anything, to insist that American taxpayer
dollars not be given to corrupt, abusive police or military
forces in a country whose justice system has serious flaws and
rarely punishes official misconduct? This is a partnership, not
a giveaway. As one who has criticized my own government for
failing to uphold U.S. and international law, as has occurred in
Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, and elsewhere, I believe it is our duty
to insist on respect for fundamental principles of justice. I
am confident that the Mexican and American people agree.
Mr. President, like Senators Dodd,
Reid, Menendez and many others here, both Democrats and
Republicans, I have long urged closer relations with Mexico. We
have much in common, yet throughout our history U.S. policy
toward Mexico has been far more one of neglect than of mutual
respect and cooperation.
Whether it is trade and
investment, immigration, the environment, health, science,
cultural and academic exchange, human rights, drug trafficking,
weapons smuggling and other cross border crime and violence –
our contiguous countries are linked in numerous ways. We should
work to deepen and expand our relations.
The Merida Initiative is one
approach, and while I and many others would prefer that it
encompassed broader forms of engagement, it is a start. Most of
the funds are for law enforcement hardware and software, which
is necessary but insufficient to support a sustainable
strategy. As we have learned from successive costly
counter-drug strategies in the Andean countries that have failed
to effectively reduce the amount of cocaine entering the United
States, we need to know what the Merida Initiative can
reasonably expect to achieve, at what cost, over what period of
time.
Senator Gregg as Ranking Member,
and I as Chairman of the State and Foreign Operations
Subcommittee, had to make difficult choices among many competing
demands within a limited budget. We had to find additional
funds to help disaster victims in Burma, Central Africa,
Bangladesh and elsewhere, who the President’s budget ignored.
We had to find additional funds for Iraqi refugees and for
crucial peacekeeping, security and nonproliferation programs.
We could not have funded virtually any program at the level
requested by the President without causing disproportionate harm
to others, and we sought to avoid that.
Considering the amount we had to
spend, the Merida Initiative received strong, bipartisan
support. Again, this is not simply a three year program as the
Administration suggests. It is the beginning of a new kind of
relationship and we need to start off prudently and with solid
footing.
That means the direct
participation of the Congress and of civil society, and
attention to legitimate concerns about human rights, about
monitoring and oversight, about rights of privacy, due process,
and accountability. How these issues are resolved is critical
to future funding for this program, and we need to work together
to address them.
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