Opinion Editorials


Defense, National Security, and War in Iraq

Print this page
Print this page


U.S. SECURITY DEPENDS ON IRAQ DEMOCRACY

May 19, 2006

Three years after the invasion of Iraq, Americans understandably wonder where we go from here. Iraq is today in the throes of another critical moment in its post-Saddam history, with both obvious difficulties and enduring hopes. We see a new constitution and parliament but greater sectarian violence; progress toward the formation of a unity government but an ongoing insurgency; more Iraqis taking on security roles but still an insufficient number to secure the country. At home, the American people wish to see us prevail, but express uncertainty about the costs and strategy.


The war in Iraq has not gone as well as we have hoped, and we have made mistakes that have cost us dearly. Too many of the very best people in this country have sacrificed their lives for us in a conflict that has had many setbacks and where we will face other tough times ahead. There's no point in denying that sad truth. There is also little to be gained from rehashing the prewar debate over the wisdom of toppling Saddam Hussein. I continue to believe that the President was right to bring Saddam's brutal and dangerous regime to an end, but this is now a debate for historians.


What is undeniable, however, is that America is enormously invested in the outcome of the conflict in Iraq. Our national security, the strength of our international partnerships, and our commitment to all those who have fought there turn on the outcome of this war. If we should withdraw from Iraq and simply wash our hands of the situation there, we risk creating a failed state in the heart of the Middle East, a situation that would enable terrorists to train and plan attacks against the United States with impunity. We saw just such a situation develop in Afghanistan after international disengagement from that country, and it resulted in 9/11. We must not make that mistake again. And by turning over security to the as-yet unprepared Iraqi forces, we threaten to plunge that country into a true civil war that could destabilize the entire Middle East and invite intervention from Iraq's regional neighbors. If we do not prevail in Iraq, we send our partners and our enemies the same message: America has neither the capability nor the will to sustain its operations through to victory.


For all these reasons, we must see this conflict through to the end. That means correcting our mistakes, building on our progress, and helping to plant in the most dangerous region in the world the seeds of democracy that will influence its neighbors. By doing so, we can begin to promote change in the oppressed societies that have bred the terrorists who threaten us. We can and must succeed in this effort, but we should make no mistake -- it will take more time, more money, and more brave Americans will lose their lives in the service of their country.


That is the reality of the situation today. The challenge is not how to formulate a quick exit strategy, but rather to address the changes required to increase the odds of victory. From the beginning, coalition forces have lacked the requisite number of troops to stabilize the country, and so any plan for a partial withdrawal should be off the table for the near future. Ideally we would increase our forces in Iraq but, at a minimum, newly trained and equipped Iraqi troops should supplement, not substitute for, coalition forces.


These soldiers should be engaged in a military counterinsurgency strategy, combined with traditional security operations, rather than following their previous model - sweeping into cities to root out insurgents and then leaving to do the same elsewhere. The Pentagon has made progress in moving toward such a strategy, but it will take much more time before it can effectively neutralize the insurgency. In addition, sectarian violence and the strength of militias can be reduced by ensuring that Iraqi National Army units and their counterparts in the Ministry of Interior are integrated by ethnicity and sect, and by increasing the diplomatic effort to urge a unity government in Iraq. This diplomatic effort needs to be constant and take place at the highest levels of our government. Various elements of our strategy, including reconstruction, intelligence, and others, must receive priority over other issues in Washington. We are in the midst of a war, and we cannot simply consign it to our Armed Forces to win or lose.


Above all we must stand behind the commitment we have made as a country, both to our own national security and to the Iraqi people. Times are tough, the costs have been high, and they will grow higher yet. But morality, national security, and the honor our fallen deserve all compel us to see through our mission in Iraq to victory. Should we abandon our responsibility at this critical time in history, we as a country will be poorer in every dimension for it.


 






May 2006 Opinion Editorials

  • Current record