September 16th, 2002
By Ethan Wallison
Roll Call
With Congress facing imminent debate on whether to attack Iraq, House Democrats
find themselves confounded by the massive new variable that has imposed
itself on the issue landscape, and with a strong impulse to change the
subject as the party totters at the threshold of a majority in the chamber.
Inside the Caucus, House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt (D-Mo.) is
urging Democrats to "let the Iraq debate take care of itself," in the words
of one source who listened to Gephardt at a meeting of the party's whip
operation on Thursday morning.
Gephardt told Members in the room that Democrats will launch an intensive
four-week effort - set to begin today - to move the debate back to issues
that play to the party's presumed strengths, and called for the Members
to show discipline in sticking to the game plan. The blitz will cover,
in sequence, prescription drugs, pension reform, corporate responsibility
and Social Security, sources said.
But Democrats are wary. Many privately doubt their issues will get a
fair hearing in the clamor over Iraq, but also suggest the debate is too
volatile at this point to project an impact this November. "It has the
potential of drowning out the issues that should be under debate," Rep.
Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.), a chief deputy whip, acknowledged.
But, she added, the debate could just as easily set those issues in
stark relief, by underscoring that the costs of war could have "a potentially
adverse impact" on such things as the economy and the future viability
of Social Security.
By and large, Democratic strategists and rank-and-file Members have
stood by their earlier contentions that the outcome of the November elections
will turn on "domestic" issues - plus the conceit that voters can "multi-task,"
in the words of one House Democrat.
"Voters have been saying for a year that this election's about domestic
issues," said Mark Mellman, a top Democratic pollster.
Mellman acknowledged that the front pages of newspapers are likely to
be dominated by the Iraq question over the next month-and-a-half, but he
predicted that the agenda in the fall will still be set by "a thousand
points of television" - that is, the spots run by candidates in the weeks
leading up to the elections.
"We've asked [the foreign policy] question many different ways," Mellman
said. "Members of the public - unlike some Members of Congress - really
can walk and chew gum at the same time."
Fred Yang, another top party pollster, echoed Mellman. While he suggested
an Iraq debate could "suck out oxygen" from the public discussion of the
Democrats' agenda, he pointed to last year's gubernatorial contest in Virginia,
where Democrat Mark Warner prevailed, as an example of how voters think
in terms of dual tracks.
"People were able to transition to things that were personally important
to them," though the election fell two months after the Sept. 11 terrorist
attacks appeared to change the country's mindset, Yang said.
Privately, though, many strategists and Members are far less sanguine
about how the political landscape shapes up with Iraq on the agenda.
The concern was evident when House Democrats met the day after President
Bush announced recently that he would seek Congressional approval before
taking military action against Iraq. According to participants in the Caucus
meeting, a number of Members rose to complain about Bush having "political
motives" in sending the Iraq matter up to Capitol Hill before the elections
- a perspective that would appear to assume the GOP stands to benefit from
having war in the forefront of voters' minds.
"I've heard the 'Wag the Dog' idea from quite a few people, including
my constituents," Rep. Joseph Crowley (D-N.Y.) said.
Responding to the concerns, Gephardt warned Members, in the words of
one senior Democratic aide, that "We should not say Bush is using war for
political purposes, and we can't use it for political purposes."
One senior party strategist scoffed at the notion that Democrats can
continue to "break through" with their agenda going into November, and
suggested only a severe economic downturn could rescue the party's message
at this point.
"From this point to Nov. 5, the only thing that's gonna break through
is Iraq," the strategist said. "All the issues we wanted to push through
in September are secondary now."
The strategist added, "I've never seen so many Democrats banking on
the United Nations to save them in a November election."
Inside leadership, the debate among House Democrats is whether there
should be a debate right now among House Democrats.
While Gephardt has suggested the party focus on its strong suit - domestic
priorities - Members have suggested that Democrats cannot afford to appear
to have no position on an issue of war and peace.
But a debate, even among Democrats, carries risks. The most significant
risk, in the eyes of strategists, is that such a discussion could move
the party inexorably toward its anti-war camp - and thereby set off a genuinely
serious debate with the administration over foreign policy and Iraq.
Indeed, there is already a sizable segment of the Democratic base that
is leery of military action in Iraq. Schakowsky, for one, claimed that
on the day Bush announced he would seek approval from Congress, her office
received roughly 1,000 calls urging her to oppose the president's war aims,
compared with only "one or two" calls asking her to support them.
Rep. John Lewis (D-Ga.) described a recent trip he took to Louisville,
Ky., where he met with what he described as three very different and diverse
groups. No one at any of the forums raised the issue of Iraq, even though
the situation with the Middle East regime had been dominating the airwaves.
"It was all about jobs, all about Social Security, all about corporate
responsibility," Lewis said. When people do talk to him about Iraq, he
added, "They never say, 'Go in, take [Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein] out.'
They all say, 'Don't let Bush go to war.'"
But those are presumably not the independent voters Democrats will need
to win the majority.
Some Democrats, including Senate Majority Leader Thomas Daschle (S.D.),
have indicated that they are inclined to push a debate over Iraq until
after the election. That outlook has been pressed in the House by Rep.
Tom Lantos (D-Calif.), the ranking member on the International Relations
Committee and a supporter of the president's outlook on Iraq.
A senior Lantos aide said last week that the California lawmaker had
initially favored a "quick vote" on a resolution supporting possible military
action on Iraq but changed his mind after discussing the matter with other
Democrats.
"What they're afraid of is that many constituents and voters aren't
supportive yet," the aide said, adding that some Members felt they "would
not be able to vote their conscience" on Iraq if it came up before the
elections.
Gephardt, who has himself indicated that he shares common ground with
the president on Iraq, dodged questions about this concern at his regular
weekly press availability last Thursday, repeating again and again that
the matter needs to be "divorced" from "politics and elections." But he
also indicated that he was comfortable with a drawn-out debate.
"I don't think we get very far if we try to rush a process," Gephardt
said.
But other Democrats, such as Crowley, a member of the International
Relations Committee, suggested that delays in the process would be pointless.
"Once the debate is there, people are going to ask," Crowley said.
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