WASHINGTON, March 31 — On the morning after the American
bombs began dropping on Baghdad, Representative Nancy
Pelosi, the House minority leader, met her lieutenants for a
strategy session in the Capitol. Ordinarily composed, she
confessed to feeling off kilter.
"I am devastated," Ms. Pelosi
recalls saying, "by the fact that we are going to war."
The issue at hand was a
ticklish one: how to support the troops without heaping
praise on President Bush. Moderates wanted a quick
resolution backing the military and the president, but some
liberals balked. Ms. Pelosi, who represents
San Francisco — a city described by a local newspaper as
"the most vocally antiwar district in the nation" — was
caught in the middle.
For the 63-year-old Ms.
Pelosi, who took over leadership of the House Democrats in
January, the politics of the war are especially delicate. In
her quest to regain Democratic control of the House, she has
the difficult task of bringing together a fractured party
when Republicans run Congress and the White House. With
Democrats sharply divided over foreign policy, the conflict
in Iraq is providing the first real test of
her leadership.
"Her challenge," said
Representative Steny H. Hoyer of Maryland, the
assistant Democratic leader, who is at odds with Ms. Pelosi
over the war, "is to project her values and represent her
constituents while at the same time leading a diverse
caucus, particularly with respect to the war."
That challenge was especially
evident in the debate over the resolution supporting the
troops. While the Senate voted unanimously in favor of such
a measure, Ms. Pelosi could not achieve that kind of
consensus in the House. Eleven Democrats voted against and
21 voted present — to protest language praising Mr. Bush as
commander in chief and tying the war in Iraq
to the war on terrorism.
The vote came in the wee hours
of the morning — long after most reporters' deadlines had
passed — and only then after Ms. Pelosi spent hours engaging
in a kind of shuttle diplomacy between House Republicans,
whom she urged unsuccessfully to soften their language, and
liberal Democrats, who feared that a vote in favor implied
tacit approval of the war. Ms. Pelosi tried to persuade them
otherwise, even as she told them they were free to go their
own way.
"In the end," said
Representative Jan Schakowsky, an Illinois Democrat who
voted present, "everyone was really satisfied with the
process."
Well, not everyone.
Representative Martin Frost of Texas, who briefly challenged
Ms. Pelosi for the leader's job last year, sent her a letter
while the negotiating was still under way, urging that a
resolution be passed promptly.
"I respect the fact that some
people were opposed to this; we all understand that," Mr.
Frost said in an interview. "But once the battle starts,
then you have to put those issues aside."
As the the first woman to lead
a party in Congress, Ms. Pelosi, elegant and energetic, has
the kind of star quality that many say makes them again
excited to be Democrats. Young women come to the Capitol to
have their picture taken in front of her office. Donations
to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee have
increased by 30 percent, officials there say, since her
signature began appearing on the direct mail.
On domestic matters, Ms.
Pelosi gets generally high marks from colleagues. She beat
the White House to the punch by unveiling a Democratic
economic stimulus plan a day before the president. The
Democratic alternative to the Republican budget failed by
three votes; last year, there was no Democratic alternative.
But some moderates complain
that Ms. Pelosi has surrounded herself with a "California
kitchen cabinet" that will push the party to the left, a
complaint that has become heightened now that she has
emerged as a leading Democratic opponent of the war.
"It's not helpful,"
Representative Charles W. Stenholm of Texas, a
leader of the Blue Dog coalition, a moderate group, said,
referring to Ms. Pelosi's stance on Iraq.
Asked to rate her overall
performance, Mr. Stenholm replied with curt diplomacy: "I
would say so far Nancy has done a good job of
establishing the type of leadership she intends to bring to
the caucus."
That type is vastly different
from that of her predecessor, Representative Richard A.
Gephardt of Missouri, a centrist who supports
the president's action in Iraq.
"Gephardt was often trying to
keep a low profile in the hope that he wouldn't offend
anybody, because so many of the districts we needed to win
were moderate," said Representative Henry A. Waxman,
Democrat of California. "She's come out swinging with very
clear positions for the Democrats."
But staying focused on
domestic policy will be increasingly difficult as the war
dominates the news.
"When you are trying to put
forth a Democratic message, the war muffles that," said
Representative George Miller, a California Democrat and a
member of Ms. Pelosi's inner circle.
So Ms. Pelosi has been keeping
up a steady stream of news conferences and public
appearances, often with Senator Tom Daschle, the Democratic
leader. Last week, the two gathered reporters to announce
that the Bush economic plan would hurt members of
minorities. The week before, they talked about medical
malpractice.
Mr. Miller describes Ms.
Pelosi as "one of the most complete political people I have
ever seen." A mother of five who did not run for elective
office until her children were mostly grown, she learned the
trade from a master: her father, Thomas J. D'Alesandro Jr.,
a former congressman and mayor of Baltimore.
Some say she inherited his tendency to reward friends and
punish enemies, a criticism Ms. Pelosi brushes aside.
"I think what they say is I
appoint my friends," Ms. Pelosi said. "I don't consider that
a criticism. I want that to be a well-known fact about me."
Ms. Pelosi, who seems to
subsist mostly on a diet of chocolate, moves so fast that
her staff says they can tell she is coming by the
click-click-click of her heels on the Capitol's marble
floors. In her office, she keeps a black-and-white
photograph of herself as a young girl in a flowing dress,
christening a fireboat — the mayor's daughter making the
newspapers at 7 years old.
Today, more than half a
century later, Ms. Pelosi likes to point out that she
occupies the office once held by Thomas P. O'Neill, the
former speaker of the House, whose granddaughter works for
her. She makes no bones about coveting the speaker's job.
"I don't like that we're not
in the majority," she says simply.
But the fight to win back the
majority, party strategists say, will inevitably be waged in
swing and moderate districts where Ms. Pelosi's views on the
war do not hold sway. Already, she has begun to moderate her
tone, perhaps mindful of the scolding Mr. Daschle received
when he criticized Mr. Bush's diplomacy after the war began.
"I do not have any intention
of second-guessing the commander in chief," Ms. Pelosi told
reporters last week at a news conference.
Still, it is difficult for her
to conceal her feelings, no matter how much that moderates
wish she would. On the night the war began, House Democrats
gathered for a long-planned dinner that Ms. Pelosi had been
looking forward to. But when Condoleezza Rice, President
Bush's national security adviser, called to advise her that
the war would soon be under way, Ms. Pelosi said, "the
reality that it was happening just took the wind out of my
sails."
As to the resolution in
support of the troops, Ms. Pelosi regards it as "a bitter
pill." Ever the pragmatist, she delivered a speech in
opposition to its wording, then voted in favor.
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