Ending the longest-running leadership contest in Democratic Caucus history, Rep. Nancy Pelosi (Calif.) emerged as the party's new Whip on Wednesday while becoming the country's highest-ranked woman ever in elective office. 

The 118-to-95 victory confirmed the predictions of Pelosi's core of supporters, who for more than a year insisted the California lawmaker had the commitments to win, and very likely put a cap on the 20-year leadership climb of Rep. Steny Hoyer (Md.), her opponent in the contest. 

Emerging from the vote, Pelosi was among the first to underscore the significance of her victory. 

"The vote taken today in the Democratic Caucus not only made history, it made progress," Pelosi told the assembled reporters when she emerged from the Caucus Room. 

Around her, longtime supporters, particularly those in her base in the Women's Caucus, immediately predicted a change in attitude within the party and heralded a shift in the national political landscape. "I liken it to not just a campaign but a movement," said Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-Ill.), a top Pelosi lieutenant. "Outside [the Capitol], everyone - not just women - will feel so energized, so empowered." 

The symbolic value of Pelosi's election had been an article of faith among many of her supporters throughout the contest. Indeed, Hoyer observed that in the end, "gender and geography" had proved to be the two insurmountable obstacles for him. 

However, Hoyer's assessment appeared to strike a discordant note. Even several of his staunchest supporters, while openly disappointed by the outcome, ultimately dismissed the gender factor, saying Members weren't inclined to vote on superficialities while the country was at war and Democrats were within striking range of the House majority. 

In fact, for some who had rooted for Pelosi from the sidelines, there was a margin of satisfaction in seeing her elected during a period of such turmoil. 

Marie Wilson, the president of the White House Project, a feminist organization that focuses on helping women get into leadership roles, noted that issues such as the economy, foreign policy and the military - the major concerns of the moment - have long been seen as the province of men. 

"For Pelosi to bring this [expertise on such issues] is certainly a good sign," said Wilson, who suggested that the Californian's election had brought women to a "tipping point" in politics. "I don't think it's a trend, really, because it's moving so slowly. But a few more [women in leadership roles] and it will tip over the edge." 

Rep. Chris John (D-La.), an early Hoyer backer, said victory in the 2002 elections was in the end the "only issue" on the table, despite the years of talk about allegiances and ideologies that led up to the balloting. 

Hoyer had drawn much of his support from the pool of Members who believed the leadership needed a "moderate" voice that would help Democrats win in swing districts where they have struggled because of their more liberal views on issues such as gun control, abortion and prayer in schools. 

"I don't think the election imperils [efforts to win in swing districts] - that remains to be seen," said Rep. Bill Pascrell (D-N.J.), a Hoyer supporter. But, he added, "This party needs to go a long way." 

That was evident in the aftermath of the vote as Pelosi began sketching out her vision of the areas in which she hopes to have influence in the party. Many of the questions thrown her way by reporters focused on whether a so-called "San Francisco liberal"could help foster the kind of national appeal the Democrats would need to get to 218 Members. 

Pelosi deflected the questions, saying that the labels reflected an "old way of thinking." The new Whip said she will focus on "showcasing" the ideas percolating in the party and indicated that her top priority will be to give "many more Members" the opportunity to have their voices heard. 

To be sure, there was little talk in the aftermath of the election about Pelosi's transition into the role of chief vote-counter for the party. But just the same, many of Pelosi's supporters suggested that her skills as an organizer, fundraiser and campaigner have been too often overlooked. 

"This means electricity. This means appeal. This means momentum," said Rep. Patrick Kennedy (D-R.I.), a longtime Pelosi supporter and a top party fundraiser. 

Kennedy, who stepped down this year as chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, said Pelosi would "reinvigorate the base" and bring a "sense of optimism" to the party; but he also pointed out that she has long been in the top tier of Democratic fundraisers, even though she held no official leadership role. 

In fact, in a party that relies heavily on PACs and other interest groups for its campaign dollars, Pelosi has long been somewhat of an anomaly, raising enough money from wealthy home-state liberals - particularly in her San Francisco-based district - to make her, according to Kennedy, second only to Minority Leader Richard Gephardt (D-Mo.) in party fundraising. 

Much of this constituency was cultivated during her 20-year stint in party politics, mostly in California, where she spent time as chairwoman of the California Democratic Party before running for Congress in 1987. 

Citing this experience, Gephardt said any concerns within the party about Pelosi's ability to help Democrats appeal to swing voters were based on "misapprehensions and misunderstandings." 

"Winning seats is not complicated," Gephardt said, suggesting that it was all a matter of the age-old combination of message, appeal and money. "Nancy has tremendous political abilities. She has outstanding political skills. And she'll bring all that to bear in trying to win back the majority." 

Yesterday's election was the culmination of a three-year contest that seeped into many of the party's day-to-day activities and saw the Caucus divided sharply between supporters of the two contenders. 

In its aftermath, Members did their best to muster magnanimity and preach the need for unity. But there remained a sense of shell-shock among some Hoyer supporters and the candidate himself, who had lost a second bid for Whip. (He was beaten by Michigan Rep. David Bonior, the outgoing Whip, in 1991.) 

In an interview Hoyer claimed that Pelosi began the contest with a significant advantage because she had the lion's share of the Women's Caucus and the California delegation behind her. 

But Hoyer also faulted himself for not getting more of his supporters to go "public," suggesting that the perception that Pelosi was ahead made it difficult to solidify his support. 

In an unprecedented move in leadership contests, Pelosi had collected and made public signatures of support from 100 Members, a tactic viewed with great skepticism at the time by the Hoyer camp. Hoyer never broke 80 public endorsements and went into the election with what he believed were 106 solid commitments. (It took 108 votes to win.) 

As the election unfolded, however, Hoyer said a number of Members who had pledged their support to him expressed nervousness about Pelosi's strength, and he surmised that these Members were likely to turn against him in the secret ballot. 

Hoyer refused to name the Members, but said he has some firm suspicions and would be investigating the matter in the days ahead. 

"A number of people disappointed me, obviously," Hoyer said. "As you can imagine, you're interested in who told you the truth and who didn't."