Don’t get caught flat-footed in front of the
press! Below is a quick rundown of today’s “must reads.” – John T.
Doolittle, House Republican Conference Secretary
The Morning Murmur – Thursday, September 28,
2006
1. Good Economic News Cheers
Republicans - Wall Street Journal
A wave of positive economic news, capped by this week's run-up in the stock
market and a continuing drop in gasoline prices, seems to be coming at an
ideal time for Republicans worried about the November elections.
2. Leakers
and Liars - New York Post Op-ed
The Democrats - and their newsroom allies - thought the NIE would prove to
be their smoking gun. But if Americans actually take the time to read the
report, it will be seen for what it is.
4. Going Off On Citgo -
Investor's Business Daily
Hugo Chavez has made hay for years about America's addiction to foreign oil.
He's always been firm in the belief that Americans were soft and would never
go without buying it. He was wrong.
5. Checkout for an
Undemocratic Checkoff - Washington Post Op-ed Unalloyed good news is
rare, so rejoice: The foremost achievement of the political speech
regulators -- a.k.a. campaign finance "reformers" -- is collapsing. Taxpayer
financing of presidential campaigns, which was in parlous condition in 2004,
will die in 2008.
1. Good Economic News Cheers Republicans -
Wall Street Journal
Party Leaders Hope Improvements Will Help Shift Voter Mood
Before Midterm Elections
By JOHN D. MCKINNON and CHRISTOPHER CONKEY
September 28, 2006; Page A4
WASHINGTON -- A wave of positive economic news, capped by this week's run-up
in the stock market and a continuing drop in gasoline prices, seems to be
coming at an ideal time for Republicans worried about the November
elections.
But as President Bush knows, good economic news doesn't always translate
into votes.
"We've had a little history of that in our family, you might remember," he
said at a Rose Garden news conference this month, to laughter from assembled
reporters. Mr. Bush's reference was to the experience of his father,
President George H.W. Bush, who lost his bid for re-election in 1992 even
though the economy actually was recovering nicely through much of the
election year. The elder Bush was defeated by Bill Clinton -- whose mantra
became "It's the economy, stupid" -- in part because voters were slow to
believe good economic news or see it seeping down to them.
Many political analysts say it can take several months for good economic
news to change voter psychology. Still, the improvement in some key economic
sectors at least gives Republicans a chance to turn around some impressions
in the six weeks before this year's midterm elections. "There's no question
the Republicans have been due for a break and they've finally gotten it,
between the stock-market rise and the fall of gasoline prices," said
Republican Rep. Tom Cole of Oklahoma. Gas prices have "an enormous impact on
[voter] psychology and their belief that the incumbents are doing the right
thing."
While the war against terrorism, in Iraq and elsewhere, remains a dominant
theme in the campaign debate, the economy provides the crucial backdrop.
Democrats have sought to score points on a variety of economic worries,
including pressures from gas prices, health-care inflation, college tuition
and overseas competition for jobs. That's been particularly true in key
states in the industrial Midwest, where economic anxieties are more
prominent than elsewhere.
That's why Republicans are particularly happy to see recent positive news in
some closely watched symbols of economic performance. The Dow Jones
Industrial Average yesterday came within a whisker of setting a record high,
closing at 11689.24, up 9.1% this year.
Perhaps more important politically, gas prices, which voters identified as
the most important economic issue in a Wall Street Journal/NBC News poll
this month, have fallen more than 60 cents a gallon since last month. "The
temporary relief has taken a lot of the anger out of that issue," said
Democratic Rep. Jim Cooper of Tennessee.
There is no telling which way gas prices will move in the weeks before the
election. Yesterday, for example, the price of oil rose nearly $2 to roughly
$63 a barrel on the prospect that the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries will limit production to boost prices.
On other fronts, consumer spending and business investment are holding up
well, unemployment is holding steady at 4.7% and yesterday, the Commerce
Department reported that the pace of new-home sales in August rose 4.1% from
July, a possible sign that the slowdown in the residential real-estate
market may be stabilizing.
Republicans also see hints that they will finally be able to tout
statistical increases in ordinary workers' wages too, thanks to falling
gasoline prices.
There are plenty of trouble signs as well. The Commerce report also said the
sales pace in recent months was even weaker than initially thought, a more
ominous warning sign. And overall economic growth, while healthy, isn't
stunning. After surging earlier this year, the economy downshifted into
slower growth this summer as it absorbed the impact of higher interest
rates, elevated energy prices and a weakening housing market. Many
economists now expect the economy to grow at an inflation-adjusted annual
rate of roughly 2.5% over the second half of the year, down from a pace of
over 4.0% in the first half.
Overall, President Bush appears to believe that the economy ranks among
Republicans' strongest weapons in the 2006 fight. In recent days he's been
talking up his tax cuts frequently out on the campaign trail, and warning
that Democrats will roll them back.
In response, Democrats argue that the type of good economic news now being
seen isn't translating into good news for average workers. "We're seeing an
economy that is doing very well for the wealthiest five or ten percent ...
[but] middle and working and poorer families aren't seeing a raise," said
Democratic Rep. Sherrod Brown of Ohio, who is in a tight race for the Senate
with incumbent Republican Mike DeWine. "The economy is not there to serve
only to make profits ... for corporations."
In any case, there are doubts about when good news affects voter behavior.
Voters' impressions of the economy for at least nine months running up to a
presidential election appear to be relevant to their decisions at the polls,
according to Ray C. Fair, a Yale University economist who has developed
perhaps the best-known model for predicting presidential-race outcomes. And
unusual economic performance going back as far as 15 quarters before an
election can be relevant, he says.
That suggests, among other things, that along with happiness about easing
gas prices, voters in November also will be remembering the sting of
$3-a-gallon gas during the summer.
It's also possible that voter views of the economy are changing in ways that
could be unwelcome for most Republicans, particularly in light of the war on
terrorism. Mr. Bush and his advisers worry that the difficult war on
terrorism -- coupled with the pain and uncertainty of accelerating
globalization -- could be fueling more protectionist sentiment in the U.S.
and around the world. In the face of such worries, short-term economic
improvements might not matter as much as they used to, some experts believe.
The growing polarization of American politics also appears to be coloring
the way people say they view the economy, so it's hard to tell how big a
factor it will really be, says Gary Jacobson, a political scientist at the
University of California at San Diego. Still, "as long as it's not
exceptionally bad or good it's probably a neutral factor," he says.
September 28, 2006 -- President Bush, by releasing a de- classified version
of that controversial intelligence report on terrorism and the Iraq
campaign, has put the lie to claims that even his own spies say toppling
Saddam Hussein was a bad idea.
Yes, the report says that the war in Iraq is one of four factors that have
energized the jihadists.
But it also maintains that the greatest threat to America and the West will
come if the insurgents are seen to have won in Iraq - and that the way to
prevent that is to defeat them, not to follow the Democrats' cut-and-run
formula.
"Perceived jihadist success [in Iraq] would inspire more fighters to
continue the struggle elsewhere," the report notes, adding: "Should
jihadists leaving Iraq perceive themselves, and be perceived, to have
failed, we judge fewer fighters will be inspired to carry on the fight."
Repeat: Showing the terrorists that America will stay the course until they
are defeated will dissuade others from joining the jihadist movement.
What else, besides military power, can dissuade the terrorists?
"Greater pluralism and more responsive political systems in Muslim-majority
nations would alleviate . . . [some] grievances jihadists exploit," says the
report.
"Over time, such progress, together with sustained . . . programs targeting
the vulnerabilities of the jihadist movement and continued pressure on al
Qaeda, could erode support for the jihadists."
One more time: More responsive political systems, combined with increased
pressure on al Qaeda.
Which pretty well sums up President Bush's policy of encouraging democracy
in the Muslim world.
Indeed, the report says, "the jihadists' greatest vulnerability is that
their ultimate political solution . . . is unpopular with the vast majority
of Muslims."
The Bush administration has combined that approach with targeting of al
Qaeda's operational ability. And the NIE also concludes that U.S.-led
efforts "have seriously damaged the leadership of al Qaeda and disrupted its
operations."
Now, none of this was apparent in the weekend reporting on the intelligence
survey found in The New York Times, The Washington Post and The Los Angeles
Times.
Of course not.
There are at least two possible reasons for this:
* The leakers cherry-picked the report, intending to undermine the
administration's war policies, and the reporters bit - hook, line and
sinker.
* Or the reporters - and editors - themselves collaborated in disseminating
deliberately deceptive "news."
Either way, the original newspaper stories amounted to distribution of
propaganda - witting or otherwise - that materially aided the cause of the
enemy in time of war.
And somebody needs to be held to account for that.
Yes, the situation in Iraq has emboldened the terrorists.
But, as the president noted Tuesday, there were no American troops in Iraq
long before 9/11 - when al Qaeda first began targeting the United States.
"If we weren't in Iraq [today]," he said, "they'd find some other excuse,
because they have ambitions. They kill in order to achieve their ambitions."
To suggest otherwise, Bush rightly said, is just plain naive.
Actually, it's worse than naive - it's dangerous: Leading Democrats are
playing politics with the lives of U.S. troops in Iraq. By undermining U.S.
policy there, they are emboldening the very terrorist movement they say they
hope to defeat.
The Democrats - and their newsroom allies - thought the NIE would prove to
be their smoking gun. But if Americans actually take the time to read the
report, it will be seen for what it is.
3. Despite U.N. resolution, no one is
moving to disarm Hezbollah - Associated Press
Posted 9/27/2006 3:00 PM ET
MARJAYOUN, Lebanon (AP) - Six weeks after the end of the Lebanon war, the
militant Hezbollah group is facing little on-the-ground pressure to give up
its weapons and disarm - despite a U.N. cease-fire resolution demanding just
that.
The leaders of a U.N. peacekeeping force in south Lebanon say the job is not
theirs. And Lebanon's ill-equipped army, some of whose soldiers wear tin-pot
helmets and carry outdated M-16 rifles, shows no signs of diving into a
confrontation with battle-hardened Hezbollah fighters.
For now, all sides say it's likely full disarmament will happen only in the
future as part of a political solution - despite the U.N. resolution that
ended the 34-day war on Aug. 14 and required disarmament.
The commanders of the U.N. force say that under the resolution, their job is
merely to assist the Lebanese army in regaining control of southern Lebanon
and to ensure the area cannot be used for launching rocket attacks into
northern Israel.
Meanwhile, Lebanese security officials say the army's mission in the south
is based on what they call an "understanding" with Hezbollah that the army
will not search for and seize weapons, but only confiscate those shown in
public.
At one Lebanese military checkpoint near the town of Marjayoun, some eight
miles from the Israeli border, soldiers recently waved most cars through -
although some were stopped so identity papers and registration documents
could be checked.
The Lebanese government, which for years allowed Hezbollah to run a "state
within a state" in the south, has long argued that disarming the militants
could be done only through agreement among the country's major political
groups.
Israel says the resolution makes clear that Hezbollah must be disarmed south
of the Litani River. Mark Regev, an Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesman, said
of the current situation, "It's a process."
He said Hezbollah leader Sheik Hassan Nasrallah, at a rally last week,
"publicly stated that he is out to flout the will of the international
community and to prevent the implementation of what was an unanimous
resolution of the Security Council."
At the rally in the Beirut suburbs Friday, Nasrallah vowed his guerrillas
will not surrender their weapons and said: "There is no army in the world
capable of making us drop our weapons as long as there will be people who
believe in this resistance."
The current U.N. peacekeeping contingent is far larger and better-armed than
a previous 2,000-member force. Some 15,000 troops, more than half from
Europe, will eventually be deployed with tanks, artillery cannons and other
heavy armor.
But the multinational troops, who now number 5,000, are acutely aware that
their presence could become unpopular if they are viewed as supporting
Israel's attempts to eliminate Hezbollah's arms.
French peacekeepers setting up base near the town of Deir Kifa noted they
had encountered a less-than-friendly reception from some residents, who
defiantly waved yellow Hezbollah flags.
"We mustn't be seen as an occupying force - the people can reject us very
quickly," said Col. Jerome Salle.
He said the U.N. troops would mount patrols but would not establish
checkpoints on public roads, to avoid inflaming residents.
Gen. Alain Pelligrini, the French officer who commands the U.N. force, said
the peacekeepers wouldn't even act if they saw weapons being carried openly
by Hezbollah fighters.
"No, I would ask the Lebanese army to intervene and if the Lebanese army has
difficulties in intervening, then we would see what we need to do," he said
last week.
Halim Sarhan, who runs a dental laboratory in the market town of Nabatiyeh,
expressed a common sentiment when he said no one should try to disarm
Hezbollah by force. "There must be political consensus on the issue first,"
he said.
Hezbollah has said it would agree to disarm only if the government is strong
enough to defend Lebanon against Israel - a stance that reflects its own
ambitions to become the country's dominant political force.
It has also linked the issue to Israel's return of the Shebaa farms, a
25-square-mile contested area where Lebanon, Syria and Israel meet.
Some weapons and explosives have been found in a few Hezbollah positions
that were either overrun or abandoned during the fighting, said Lebanese
security officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the
sensitivity of the subject.
Hezbollah is thought to have a great deal of experience in concealing its
weapons. Many are believed to be in underground tunnels, buried in groves or
in remote parts of the mountainous south.
The U.N. forces and the Lebanese army are likely to have more teeth when it
comes to preventing new weapons shipments.
A German naval force is to patrol the waters off southern Lebanon and
Lebanese authorities are tightening controls at the country's only
international airport in Beirut and on the Syrian border.
But Syrian President Bashar Assad, whose country has long been a route for
arms deliveries to Hezbollah believed to come from Iran, said this week that
it was "Mission Impossible" to cut off the guerrillas' supply of weapons
altogether.
Energy: President Bush may have been loath to reply to last week's U.N.
speech by the sulfur-tongued Hugo Chavez, but the American public wasn't.
Its boycott of Venezuela's Citgo gas has set off alarms in Caracas.
The big blow came Wednesday when 7-Eleven announced it would not renew a
20-year contract with Venezuelan-owned gas supplier Citgo. Instead, it would
start selling its own brand, to be supplied by three U.S. oil firms.
7-Eleven admitted Chavez was a public relations disaster for the firm after
his United Nations speech, denouncing President Bush as "the devil," and
affected its decision.
"Regardless of politics, we sympathize with many Americans' concern over
derogatory comments about our country and its leadership recently made by
Venezuela's president," said a 7-Eleven spokeswoman, who'd obviously been
hearing from the public. "Chavez's position and statements over the past
year or so didn't tempt us to stay with Citgo."
That's about 2,100 gas stations off the books for Citgo, cutting total
outlets to 11,000.
The rest are likely to remain targets of the infuriated American public's
wildcat boycott of Venezuelan crude. If so, it would be the first time in
modern memory a spontaneous consumer boycott had such a commercial impact.
Watching from Caracas, Rafael Ramirez, Venezuela's energy minister, said he
was stunned at the "brusque" tone of 7-Eleven's announcement, calling it
"bitter to swallow."
He blamed sentiment in "middle America," not quite grasping that Chavez's
words have consequences in the country that is Venezuela's leading oil
customer.
Citgo doesn't release earnings, but it would be surprising if the fury
unleashed by Chavez's insult at Bush is not being felt at Citgo beyond
7-Eleven's move. In the hours after Chavez's devil speech, public reaction
was everywhere.
U.S. editorial pages were flooded with letters calling for a boycott of
Venezuelan gas, and blogs and bulletin boards showed a swift creative
vehemence.
The Miami Herald reported recipients of Chavez's charity fuel program were
having second thoughts about taking the aid from the Venezuelan dictator.
Democratic congressmen who otherwise had rancorous relations with Bush felt
enough public heat to condemn Chavez's remarks. "You do not come into my
country, my congressional district, and you do not condemn my president,"
thundered Rep. Charles Rangel of New York after Chavez's speech.
A Florida congressman introduced a bill to remove Citgo signs from the state
turnpike. And in Boston, home of the Citgo sign at Kenmore Square, another
politician sought to remove that landmark and replace it with an American
flag.
As Ramirez indicated, the reaction from the slow-to-anger American public
was more than Venezuela expected.
What Caracas is staring at, dumbfounded, is the realization that Americans
can use their formidable buying power to tell Chavez something he cynically
thought he'd never hear: that his oil was not all that necessary.
That's bound to send a strong message to Caracas because Venezuela needs the
$4 billion in U.S. yearly oil revenue to stay afloat and continue to throw
its weight around on the world stage.
Chavez has made hay for years about America's addiction to foreign oil. He's
always been firm in the belief that Americans were soft and would never go
without buying it. He was wrong.
5. Checkout for an Undemocratic Checkoff
- Washington Post Op-ed
By George F. Will
Thursday, September 28, 2006; A23
Unalloyed good news is rare, so rejoice: The foremost achievement of the
political speech regulators -- a.k.a. campaign finance "reformers" -- is
collapsing. Taxpayer financing of presidential campaigns, which was in
parlous condition in 2004, will die in 2008.
In 2000 and 2004 George W. Bush declined public funding -- and its
accompanying restrictions on raising and spending money -- for the
primaries, as did Howard Dean and John Kerry in 2004. In 2004 candidates
accepting taxpayer funding were restricted to spending $45 million before
the conventions. Bush and Kerry raised $269.6 million and $234.6 million,
respectively, before the conventions. Any candidate who accepts public
funding in the 2008 primaries will be considered second-tier. And almost
certainly neither party's nominee will accept public funding for the fall
campaign.
Taxpayer funding, enacted in 1974, empowered taxpayers to direct, by a
checkoff on their income tax forms, that $1 of their tax bill be used to
fund presidential campaigns. Even though the checkoff did not increase
anyone's tax bill, participation peaked in 1981 at 28.7 percent -- a
landslide "vote" of 71.3 percent against it. In 1993 Congress increased the
checkoff's value to $3, thereby enabling fewer people to divert more money
from the government's pool of revenue collected from everyone, including the
90 percent of taxpayers who now decline to participate.
It is delicious that the McCain-Feingold law, the reformers' most recent
handiwork, is helping kill taxpayer financing of presidential campaigns.
Before McCain-Feingold, limits on contributions of private money -- set in
1974 and not indexed for inflation -- became steadily more restrictive, so
candidates accepted public funding. But McCain-Feingold, by doubling the
permissible size of campaign contributions, made it easier for candidates to
raise sums far larger than taxpayer funding provides.
Public funding was supposed to increase voter turnout by decreasing the
cynicism supposedly caused by privately financed politics. But Bradley
Smith, former chairman of the Federal Election Commission, notes that
turnout did not surge until 2004. Then, the dramatic increase correlated
with a surge of private money, much of it devoted to voter turnout efforts.
Reformers considered this surge evidence of increasing corruption and, of
course, evidence of the need for more regulation of speech.
John Samples of the Cato Institute, in his new book, "The Fallacy of
Campaign Finance Reform," demolishes the argument that taxpayer funding has
increased voters' choices by increasing the number of presidential
candidates. The seven elections before 1976 had an average of 10.7
candidates who received at least 1 percent of the votes in the two major
parties' primaries. Since taxpayer funding was enacted, the average has been
7.8 candidates. In the 15 elections since 1945, the two most successful
independent candidates -- George Wallace in 1968 and Ross Perot in 1992 --
did not use government funds. Taxpayer financing, which liberals love, did
help Ralph Nader win 2.7 percent of the 2000 vote, including 97,488 Florida
votes that cost the liberals' candidate, Al Gore, the presidency.
Does anyone argue that the $1.3 billion in tax dollars given to candidates
since 1976 has purchased more elevated campaigns? About 10 percent of public
funding pays for the two parties' conventions -- vacuous festivities for a
few thousand activists. Major broadcast organizations no longer cover
conventions extensively because the public, which considers them
unimportant, will not watch.
Sen. Mitch McConnell rightly says that taxpayer funding of politics has been
the subject of the largest, most sustained and most accurate polling in
American history. The polling occurs every year when 90 percent of taxpayers
refuse to participate. Could it be that Americans recoil from funding
political advocacy with which they disagree -- Republicans funding
Democrats, Democrats funding Republicans, everyone funding fringe candidates
such as the felon Lyndon LaRouche, who got infusions of taxpayers' money for
a campaign he ran while in jail for fraud and conspiracy?
Nevertheless, reformers want to again enlarge the value of the checkoff --
the lever by which a small minority spends general tax revenue against the
wishes of a vast majority. The reformers' ultimate objective is to make
government the sole source of money for all federal elections. Then
government money, supplied in much smaller amounts than voluntary
contributions provide, would fund the (much reduced) amount of political
speech about government that the government deems appropriate.
Reformers desperate to resuscitate taxpayer funding cite the supposedly
scandalous fact that each party's 2008 presidential campaign may spend $500
million. If so, Americans volunteering to fund the dissemination of speech
about candidates for the nation's most consequential office will contribute
$1 billion, which is about half the sum they spend annually on Easter candy.
Some scandal.