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Don’t get caught flat-footed in front of the press! Below is a quick rundown of today’s “must reads.” – John T. Doolittle, House Republican Conference Secretary
The Morning Murmur –
Wednesday, July 26, 2006
1. Bush: New Plan to Help End
Iraq Violence - Associated Press
President Bush said Tuesday a new plan to increase U.S. and Iraqi forces in
the besieged capital of Baghdad will help quell rising violence that is
threatening Iraq's transformation to a self-sustaining democracy.
2. Comprehensive
immigration - Washington Times Op-ed
Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison and Rep. Mike Pence are putting forth a proposal
on immigration they hope can be used as the basis for new discussions. They
describe their plan as tough on border security, but recognizing the need
for a temporary-worker program that operates without amnesty and without
growing into a huge new government bureaucracy.
3. The
Enemy of My Enemy Is Still My Enemy - New York Times Op-ed
The rise of Hezbollah makes it all the more likely that Al Qaeda will soon
seek to reassert itself through increased attacks on Shiites in Iraq and on
Westerners all over the world - whatever it needs to do in order to regain
the title of true defender of Islam.
4. A midterm analysis -
Washington Times Op-ed
The odds that Democrats will achieve majority status in at least one chamber
of Congress have improved, according to the nonpartisan analysis provided by
the Cook Political Report. If congressional Democrats acquire subpoena power
in either the House or the Senate, the last two years of the Bush
administration will be a nightmare for the White House.
5. A Winning Strategy
for the Democrats: Barter for Free Trade
To understand why Democrats
can't win elections, all you had to do was attend yesterday's symposium at
the Brookings Institution put on by the Hamilton Project, an effort by the
(Bill) Clinton economic braintrust to generate new ideas and a Democratic
election agenda.
For previous issues of the Morning Murmur, go to www.GOPsecretary.gov
FULL ARTICLES BELOW:
1. Bush: New Plan to Help End Iraq
Violence - Associated Press
By TOM RAUM
Associated Press Writer
WASHINGTON (AP) -- President Bush said Tuesday a new plan to increase U.S.
and Iraqi forces in the besieged capital of Baghdad will help quell rising
violence that is threatening Iraq's transformation to a self-sustaining
democracy.
"Obviously the violence in Baghdad is still terrible and therefore there
needs to be more troops," Bush said in a White House news conference with
visiting Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.
Al-Maliki, on his first trip to the United States since becoming prime
minister two months ago, said he and Bush agreed that training and better
arming Iraqi forces as quickly as possible, particularly in the capital
city, was central to efforts to stabilize the country.
"And, God willing, there will be no civil war in Iraq," al-Maliki said,
speaking through a translator.
The two leaders disagreed openly on how to end hostilities between the
Hezbollah militia in southern Lebanon and Israel, with al-Maliki, a Shiite
Muslim leader, reiterating his support for an immediate cease-fire and Bush
sticking by the administration opposition to one.
A group of House Democrats called on GOP leaders to cancel al-Maliki's
address to Congress on Wednesday. Sen. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., said he
doubted he would attend and that there were a "large number of people (in
Congress) who were uncomfortable" with al-Maliki's condemnation of Israel's
attacks in Lebanon and apparent support for Hezbollah
Bush said that al-Maliki had asked for more military equipment from the
United States and had recommended increasing U.S. and Iraqi forces
patrolling Baghdad neighborhoods. "And we're going to do that," Bush said.
The president said U.S. forces would be moved in from other parts of Iraq.
He did not say how many, but Pentagon officials have suggested several
thousands troops would be moved to Baghdad, including some now based in
Kuwait.
There are roughly 127,000 U.S. troops in Iraq. The administration is under
increasing pressure from Democrats and some Republicans to bring a
substantial number home by the end of this year.
Asked if the tense situation in Baghdad would alter the equation for an
eventual withdrawal of U.S. forces, Bush said troop level decisions will
still be based on recommendations from military commanders in the field.
"Conditions change inside a country," Bush said. "Will we be able to deal
with the circumstances on the ground? And the answer is, yes, we will."
The president and the prime minister met privately before the news
conference to discuss strategy, then continued talks over lunch with a
larger group that included Cabinet members and aides.
At the East Room news conference, Bush said al-Maliki was very clear in
stating that "he does not want American troops to leave his country until
his government can protect the Iraqi people. And I assured him that America
will not abandon the Iraqi people."
It was not clear how many U.S. troops will be in Baghdad as a result of the
new plan. About two weeks ago, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said
that the number of Iraqi and U.S. troops in Baghdad had recently grown from
40,000 to 55,000.
Bush and al-Maliki met alone with only a translator in the room for about 70
minutes before others joined the talks, Bush national security adviser
Stephen Hadley told reporters.
Under the plan to beef up security in Baghdad, forces would comb different
neighborhoods to establish a police presence, "giving some reassurance to
the population there that, in a way, the sheriff has arrived," Hadley said.
Bush complimented the beleaguered leader for his courage and perseverance in
the face of sectarian violence. Recent attacks have sapped political support
for the more than three-year-old war in Iraq, in both the United States and
Iraq.
On Lebanon, the administration insists that Hezbollah must first return two
captured Israeli soldiers and stop firing missiles into Israel before any
cease-fire.
"I told him (al-Maliki) I support a sustainable cease-fire that will bring
about an end to violence," Bush said.
Al-Maliki sidestepped a question at the White House news conference about
his position on Hezbollah.
"Here, actually, we're talking about the suffering of a people in a country.
And we are not in the process of reviewing one issue or another, or any
government position," al-Maliki said.
Democrats criticized al-Maliki's comments. "Prime Minister Maliki missed an
important opportunity to state his position on Hezbollah, and instead left
the impression that he does not oppose this terrorist organization's
outrageous attacks on Israel," said Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass.
Kerry called on Maliki to strongly condemn the use of terror anywhere -
including by Hezbollah against Israel - in his speech to Congress on
Thursday.
Responding to the Democratic criticism, Hadley said "there's an opportunity
here I hope we don't miss," and he urged lawmakers to take advantage of the
fact that a democratically elected Iraqi leader was about to address
Congress. "It's been an issue for Republicans and Democrats, how to get Iraq
right," the White House adviser said.
After al-Maliki's speech to Congress on Wednesday, Bush was taking him to
nearby Fort Belvoir, Va., for a meeting with U.S. troops and their families.
Both leaders will "thank them for their courage and their sacrifice," Bush
said.
The president said improved military conditions outside Baghdad will make it
possible to move U.S. military police and other forces to the capital, where
an estimated 100 people a day are being killed. The crimes, blamed largely
on sectarian death squads, usually go unsolved.
Al-Maliki said the most important element of a new security program "is to
curb the religious violence."
Iraq's government must have a policy that "there is no killing and
discrimination against anyone," al-Maliki said.
U.S. officials believe control of Baghdad - the political, cultural and
economic hub of the country - will determine the future of Iraq.
U.S. and Iraqi soldiers captured six members of an alleged death squad in
Baghdad on Tuesday, while attacks elsewhere in Iraq left more than two dozen
dead.
Al-Maliki met Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld at the Pentagon for about
an hour. "He is very focused clearly on the Baghdad situation and he
recognizes that it is not a military problem as such, it is a combination of
political and military and economic," Rumsfeld said.
According to Pentagon spokesman Eric Ruff, no final decision has been made
on exactly how many U.S. forces will be shifted to Baghdad, but that there
will be a range of forces that include both U.S. and Iraqi troops.
http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/B/BUSH_IRAQ?SITE=WILAC&SECTION=HOME&TEMPLATE=DEFAULT
2. Comprehensive immigration -
Washington Times Op-ed
By Kay Bailey Hutchison and Mike Pence
Published July 26, 2006
In the years we have served in our respective houses of Congress, there has
never been an issue on which our colleagues have been so engaged and yet so
far apart as illegal immigration and border security. The bills on this
issue which passed in each house are miles apart.
We believe it is imperative that Congress find a responsible solution and
enact comprehensive reform. To achieve this, many small groups are meeting
in an effort to jump-start the negotiations between the House and the
Senate. The president is engaged, as are House and Senate members.
Rightfully so. Congress cannot walk away from a problem that so affects our
country's future.
We are putting forth a proposal that we hope can be used as the basis for
new discussions. Our plan is tough on border security, but it recognizes the
need for a temporary-worker program that operates without amnesty and
without growing into a huge new government bureaucracy.
Our plan begins with border reinforcement. The millions who come to our
country seeking jobs to support their families are not a security threat to
our nation, but the weaknesses in the nearly 7,000 miles of international
border and 95,000 miles of shoreline have given terrorists, drug dealers and
human traffickers an opening that is being exploited; this is a risk we
cannot allow to continue. Part two of our plan is a temporary-worker program
that is essential in order to fill jobs in our economy that are in high
demand. This program would commence only after the borders are fixed. Here's
how our plan works:
First: Secure our borders
Before any new temporary-worker program can begin, our plan requires the
president to certify that all mandated border-security measures are
completed. The Hutchison-Pence proposal embraces the tough border-security
measures of the House and Senate bills. It would add border patrol agents,
drug enforcement agents and port-of-entry inspectors; end catch and release;
add security fences and other physical barriers at critical points; and
employ American technology, such as unmanned aerial surveillance vehicles.
Second: The Good Neighbor SAFE Visa and Ellis Island Centers
When the border has been declared secure, the Good Neighbor SAFE (Secure
Authorized Foreign Employee) Visa will begin. This program offers
noncitizens opportunities to fill jobs that employers attest to not being
able to fill with Americans at market wage.
Under our plan, the estimated 12 million people currently residing illegally
in America can come out of the shadows and earn a fair living by returning
to their home countries to apply for a Good Neighbor SAFE Visa. This does
not give amnesty to those currently in our country illegally.
Our plan would accomplish this by setting up a system of private employment
placement agencies outside the United States (called "Ellis Island
Centers"), licensed by the federal government, to match willing temporary
workers with jobs that employers cannot fill with American workers. The
private agencies would also perform health screenings, fingerprint the guest
workers and provide that information for federal background checks.
Successful applicants for the Good Neighbor SAFE Visa could enter America
legally provided they meet the visa requirements.
We call it a "Good Neighbor" SAFE Visa because the program would be limited
to countries that currently enjoy a positive trade relationship with the
United States in our hemisphere. Only residents of NAFTA and CAFTA-DR
countries will be eligible to participate in this program. Good Neighbor
SAFE Visas will be issued for two years, with the option to renew them in
two-year increments for up to 12 years.
Good Neighbor SAFE Visa participants are not eligible for welfare, Social
Security or Medicare. All paycheck deductions will be made as for American
citizens. Workers' Medicare contributions will go into a fund to compensate
hospitals for emergency medical expenses incurred while treating foreign
workers. Worker Social Security deductions will be returned when a
participant exits the program and returns to his or her home country.
Employer Social Security contributions will remain in our country's system.
At the end of the visa period, visa holders who have been gainfully employed
with no violations may return to their country of origin or apply for a new
X-Change Visa with an employer sponsor and continue working in the United
States under the same conditions with no further renewals required. There is
no automatic path to citizenship in the Hutchison-Pence plan. After five
more years, the X-Change Visa holder would have the option of continuing to
hold an X-Change Visa, returning home or applying for permanent adjustment
of status.
Third: Verification and enforcement
For the system to be effective, it is necessary to implement a nationwide
electronic employment verification system through which employers confirm
the legality of each employee. Those who continue to hire unverifiable
employees will be subject to stiff fines.
Two years after the date of enactment, employers will be required to verify
the eligibility of all new employees, including temporary workers. After six
years, verification will apply to all employees. While this may be
unsettling to some, and there may be better ways to do it, we will never
have complete knowledge of everyone who is in our country and their legal
status without some capability for verification.
Good Neighbor SAFE Visas will provide businesses seeking to hire foreign
workers with a secure method of confirming their legal status. If a
temporary worker is fired, convicted of a crime or just disappears, the card
will be canceled, preventing someone else from hiring the worker.
We have a historic opportunity to repair our immigration system. Our
proposal is meant to be one set of ideas; there are many others. But there
can be no disagreement on this: Congress owes it to the American people to
solve this crisis. We are attempting to protect our national security while
providing benefits to our country for generations to come. We urge our
colleagues in Congress to come back to the table and produce a workable
system. The future of our country depends on it.
Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison is a Texas Republican and Rep. Mike Pence is an
Indiana Republican.
http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20060725-092629-3249r.htm
3. The Enemy of My Enemy Is Still My
Enemy - New York Times Op-ed
By BERNARD HAYKEL
WITH Israel at war with Hezbollah, where, you might wonder, is Al Qaeda?
From all appearances on the Web sites frequented by its sympathizers, which
I frequently monitor, Al Qaeda is sitting, unhappily and uneasily, on the
sidelines, watching a movement antithetical to its philosophy steal its
thunder. That might sound like good news. But it is more likely an ominous
sign.
Al Qaeda's Sunni ideology regards Shiites as heretics and profoundly
distrusts Shiite groups like Hezbollah. It was Al Qaeda that is reported to
have given Sunni extremists in Iraq the green light to attack Shiite
civilians and holy sites. A Qaeda recruiter I met in Yemen described the
Shiites as "dogs and a thorn in the throat of Islam from the beginning of
time."
But now Hezbollah has taken the lead on the most incendiary issue for
jihadis of all stripes: the fight against Israel.
Many Sunnis are therefore rallying to Hezbollah's side, including the Muslim
Brotherhood in Egypt and Jordan. The Saudi cleric Salman al-Awda has defied
his government's anti-Hezbollah position, writing on his Web site that "this
is not the time to express our differences with the Shiites because we are
all confronted by our greater enemy, the criminal Jews and Zionists."
For Al Qaeda, it is a time of panic. The group's Web sites are abuzz with
messages and questions about how to respond to Hezbollah's success. One
sympathizer asks whether, even knowing that the Shiites are traitors and the
accomplices of the infidel Americans in Iraq, it is permissible to say a
prayer for Hezbollah. He is told to curse Hezbollah along with Islam's other
enemies.
Several of Al Qaeda's ideologues have issued official statements explaining
Hezbollah's actions and telling followers how to respond to them. The gist
of their argument is that the Shiites are conspiring to destroy Islam and to
resuscitate Persian imperial rule over the Middle East and ultimately the
world. The ideologues label this effort the "Sassanian-Safavid conspiracy,"
in reference to the Sassanians, a pre-Islamic Iranian dynasty, and to the
Safavids, a Shiite dynasty that ruled Iran and parts of Iraq from 1501 till
1736.
They go on to argue that thanks to the United States (the leader of the
Zionist-Crusader conspiracy), Iraq has been handed over to the Shiites, who
are now wantonly massacring the country's Sunnis. Syria is already led by a
Shiite heretic, President Bashar al-Assad, whose policies harm the country's
Sunni majority.
Hezbollah, according to these analyses, seeks to dupe ordinary Muslims into
believing that the Shiites are defending Islam's holiest cause, Palestine,
in order to cover for the wholesale Shiite alliance with the United States
in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Ultimately, this theory goes, the Shiites will fail in their efforts because
the Israelis and Americans will destroy them once their role in the broader
Zionist-Crusader conspiracy is accomplished. And then God will assure the
success of the Sunni Muslims and the defeat of the Zionists and Crusaders.
In the meantime, no Muslim should be fooled by Hezbollah, whose members have
never fought the infidel on any of the real battlefronts, like Afghanistan,
Bosnia, Chechnya or Kashmir. The proper attitude for Muslims to adopt is to
dissociate themselves completely from the Shiites.
This analysis - conspiratorial, bizarre and uncompelling, except to the most
diehard radicals - signals an important defeat for Al Qaeda's public
relations campaign. The truth is that Al Qaeda has met a formidable
challenge in Hezbollah and its charismatic leader, Sheik Hassan Nasrallah,
who have made canny choices that appeal to Al Qaeda's Sunni followers. Al
Qaeda's improbable conspiracy theory does little to counter these
advantages.
First, although Sheik Nasrallah wears the black turban and carries the title
of "sayyid," both of which identify him as a Shiite descendant of the
Prophet Muhammad, he preaches a nonsectarian ideology and does not highlight
his group's Shiite identity. Hezbollah has even established an effective
alliance with Hamas, a Sunni and Muslim Brotherhood organization.
Second, Hezbollah's statements focus on the politics of resistance to
occupation and invoke shared Islamic principles about the right to
self-defense. Sheik Nasrallah is extremely careful to hew closely to the
dictates of Islamic law in his military attacks. These include such
principles as advance notice, discrimination in selecting targets and
proportionality.
Finally, only Hezbollah has effectively defeated Israel (in Lebanon in 2000)
and is now taking it on again, hitting Haifa and other places with large
numbers of rockets - a feat that no Arab or Muslim power has accomplished
since Israel's founding in 1948.
These are already serious selling points. And Hezbollah will score a major
propaganda victory in the Muslim world if it simply remains standing in
Lebanon after the present bout of warfare is over and maintains the
relationships it is forging with Hamas and other Sunni Islamist
organizations.
What will such a victory mean? Perhaps Hezbollah's ascendancy among Sunnis
will make it possible for Shiites and Sunnis to stop the bloodletting in
Iraq - and to focus instead on their "real" enemies, namely the United
States and Israel. Rumblings against Israeli actions in Lebanon from both
Shiites and Sunnis in Iraq already suggest such an outcome.
That may be good news for Iraqis, but it marks a dangerous turn for the
West. And there are darker implications still. Al Qaeda, after all, is
unlikely to take a loss of status lying down. Indeed, the rise of Hezbollah
makes it all the more likely that Al Qaeda will soon seek to reassert itself
through increased attacks on Shiites in Iraq and on Westerners all over the
world - whatever it needs to do in order to regain the title of true
defender of Islam.
Bernard Haykel, an associate professor of Islamic Studies at New York
University, is the author of "Revival and Reform in Islam."
http://www.nytimes.com/ref/opinion/26haykel.html
4. A midterm analysis - Washington Times
Op-ed
Published July 26, 2006
If congressional Democrats acquire subpoena power by capturing a majority in
either the House or the Senate in this fall's elections, the last two years
of the Bush administration will be a nightmare for the White House. The odds
that Democrats will achieve majority status in at least one chamber of
Congress have improved, according to the nonpartisan analysis provided by
the Cook Political Report.
Today we look at the House, where Democrats must gain 15 seats in November.
That would enable them to install Nancy Pelosi as speaker; Alcee Hastings
(an impeached, convicted and ousted federal judge) as chairman of the
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence; Henry Waxman as chairman of the
Government Reform Committee; and John Conyers, who is running for
re-election in his Detroit district on an "impeach the president" platform,
as chairman of the Judiciary Committee.
Mr. Cook's latest analysis (July 19) categorizes 361 of the 435 House seats
as solidly held by the party now representing them. In ascending order of
competitiveness, he classifies the remaining 74 seats as either "likely"
Democratic or Republican (seats that are "not considered competitive at this
point but have the potential to become engaged"); "lean" Democratic or
Republican (seats that are "considered competitive races but one party has
an advantage"); or Democratic or Republican "toss ups" (seats that are "the
most competitive; either party has a good chance of winning"). No House seat
is currently classified as solidly held, leaning or likely to move into the
camp of the other party.
Comparing Mr. Cook's rankings from July 2005 with his latest assessment
illustrates how the Republican position has deteriorated over the last 12
months. A year ago, only three Republican seats were toss-ups; today 15 are.
A year ago, 24 Republican-held seats were ranked as either leaning
Republican (15) or likely Republican (nine). Today, those numbers are 21 and
18, respectively. In other words, the number of non-solid Republican seats
has doubled to 54. By comparison, while five Democratic seats were ranked as
toss-ups a year ago, today none are. Moreover, the July 2005
Republican-to-Democratic ratio of likely, leaning and toss-up seats was 27
to 22; today's ratio is 54 to 20.
In the six postwar midterm elections that resulted in "a sharply negative
nationwide referendum on the party in power" (1946, 1958, 1966, 1974, 1982
and 1994), Thomas E. Mann of the Brookings Institution recently observed
that "[t]he party losing ground found itself besieged in districts
previously thought to be safe, where the average swing [in the vote] was
double or more the national swing" of 5 percentage points or more. He noted
that the number of House seats lost by the party in power during those six
midterm elections ranged from 26 to 56, all comfortably above the 15 seats
Democrats need in November.
http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20060725-092626-9446r.htm
5. A Winning Strategy for the Democrats:
Barter for Free Trade
By Steven Pearlstein
Wednesday, July 26, 2006; D01
To understand why Democrats can't win elections, all you had to do was
attend yesterday's symposium at the Brookings Institution put on by the
Hamilton Project, an effort by the (Bill) Clinton economic braintrust to
generate new ideas and a Democratic election agenda.
The main topic was globalization, which had a certain urgency about it the
day after the latest round of global trade talks collapsed.
Because this was the free-trade wing of the Democratic Party, the event
featured all the usual arguments about how globalization has helped the U.S.
economy, boosting growth and productivity through scale economies,
specialization and increased innovation.
And because these were Democrats, there were the requisite acknowledgements
that, while trade is an overall plus for the economy, it has had some
unpleasant side effects: insecurity about job losses, downward pressure on
wages, widening inequality, and an unsustainable trade deficit.
There was even a general consensus on what needs to be done to ameliorate
those effects. The prescriptions included some old ideas about balancing the
federal budget, investing more in education and repealing the Bush tax cuts,
and some newer ones such as universal access to health insurance, portable
pensions and wage insurance. Protect people, not jobs, was the headline
message in the Hamilton Project briefing paper that rejected the
protectionist policies of the union left as well as the "you're-on-your-own"
economics of the laissez-faire right.
Policy-wise, this is exactly where the Democratic Party as a whole needs to
be in terms of trade and globalization. But the problem is that, when you
scratch the surface, the free-trade members of the Democratic establishment
turn out to be more committed to Part A of the formula, more globalization,
than they are to Part B, making sure the benefits from globalization are
widely shared. For them, it's really not a package deal. And if push comes
to shove, which it always does in trade politics, they'd welcome more
globalization even without the compensatory social policies.
How do I know this? Because they said so.
At the conference's closing session, I asked former Treasury secretaries
Robert Rubin and Larry Summers and former deputy Treasury secretary Roger
Altman if any of them would be willing to support the idea of a "time out"
on new free-trade initiatives until there was some tangible progress toward
greater economic security for U.S. workers. To a man, they recoiled at the
idea.
They explained to me that globalization is such a widespread and powerful
phenomenon that it would hardly be affected by trade agreements.
Then, without missing a beat, they turned around and argued how crucial
those agreements are, running through the usual list of horrors that would
befall the country if the United States were to put its free-trade agenda on
hold:
That the United States would give up its role as the leading force for
internationalism.
That such a move would send a terrible signal from the world's superpower
about its isolationist instincts.
And, oh yes, my personal favorite -- that if we stopped negotiating trade
treaties, other countries would rush around and sign bilateral agreements
without us.
All of these arguments, of course, are beside the point. This is about the
politics of trade, not the policies. And its a perfect example of how the
Democrats have lost the instinct for the political jugular and the ability
to use policy disputes to political advantage.
The idea here isn't to kill free trade. It's to take it hostage. Right now,
the defection of formerly free-trade Democrats has made it impossible to get
any trade treaty or trade-negotiating authority through Congress. That's a
big problem for the business community, particularly big corporations such
as Lucent, AIG and General Electric. Democrats now have a perfect
opportunity to deliver what the business community wants -- and to demand in
exchange programs designed to provide workers more economic security. But
such negotiations will never succeed if influential Democrats give away the
store in advance by signaling they support all trade liberalization,
unconditionally.
No guarantees of health care, pensions, expanded unemployment insurance --
no more trade deals. It's a simple message even chief executives can
understand. Voters, too.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/07/25/AR2006072501616.html
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